Why the New Opioid Infant Addicted-NAS MDL 2872 Was Filed At The Right Time -The Opioid Industry Model of “Profits Before Patients” Is Killing Children

How Will Opiate Big Pharma Address Thousands of Addicted Infants?

By Mark A. York (October 4, 2018)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

See Mass Tort Nexus Briefcase MDL-2872 Children-Born-Opioid-Dependent-(Infant NAS) Filed September 20, 2018 for related Infant/NAS case filing information

(MASS TORT NEXUS MEDIA)  Tens of thousands of infants born in the U.S. each year now have NAS, and a recent  Centers for Disease Control report  said the rate of NAS deliveries at hospitals quadrupled during the past 15 years.  The period of hospitalization for NAS infants averages 16 days and hospital costs for a typical newborn with NAS are $159,000-$238,000 greater than those of healthy newborns, according to the attorneys representing the NAS (neonatal abstinence syndrome) babies.

With the filing of a New Motion to Consolidate Opiate Addicted Infant Case as MDL 2872 with the Joint Panel on Multidistrict Litigation, the fire may be lit to move the most vulnerable victims of the opioid crisis into the forefront of the litigation. Will this force Opiate Big Pharma to pay for 20 years of bad conduct in pushing opiate prescriptions on American commerce?  See MDL 2872 Motion to Consolidate Infant-NAS Addicted Opiate Litigation

In West Virginia, home of the highest overdose rates in the nation, the foster care population has increased by 42 percent since 2014.   Federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data, from 2013 and released in 2016, suggested West Virginia had the highest rate of neonatal abstinence syndrome (NAS) of 21 states analyzed.

Later data collected by the state showed the state’s rate was higher than the CDC report indicated, said Christina Mullins, director of the state Department of Health and Human Resources’ Office of Maternal, Child and Family Health.

The 2016 CDC report, which said NAS “occurs primarily among opioid-exposed infants,” showed that as of 2013, West Virginia’s NAS rate was 3.34 percent of all hospital births, a hair higher than Vermont’s 3.33 percent.

After those two states, the rate plummeted significantly, with Kentucky’s 1.5 percent being the next highest – although Maine, which had no data reported in 2013, did have a 3.04 percent rate in 2012, lower than Vermont’s then-No. 1 rate of 3.05 percent and higher than West Virginia’s then-No. 3 rate of 2.17 percent.

Mullins said the data previously came from hospital discharge data, and it’s not easily comparable across all states. She said that when the state began collecting real-time data in October 2016, it got a rate of about 5 percent of all births.

Mullins presented Monday to a legislative interim committee that heard several reports regarding likely impacts of the opioid crisis on kids and education.

The reports indicated that the state was No. 1 or No. 2 in the country in removing children from their homes; the number of youth in state custody increased 46 percent from October 2014 to October of last year; there’s been a 22 percent increase in accepted abuse/neglect referrals over three years; and 85 percent of open child abuse/neglect cases involve drugs.

The number of children in state or foster care hit a record low in Massachusetts earlier this decade. Since then, that number has risen by a quarter, and there are now more children in state care than ever before.

>States, Counties, Cities and others are suing opioid drug makers and distributor in both state and federal courts, see Mass Tort Nexus Briefcase “Opioid Litigation Versus Opiate Prescription Industry MDL 2804, US District Court of Ohio”

 Opioid use by women in rural areas is driving the increasing numbers. Tennessee is part of a cluster of states, including Alabama and Kentucky, experiencing some of the highest rates of NAS births. In East Tennessee the problem is particularly acute: Sullivan County alone reported a rate of 50.5 cases of NAS per 1,000 births, the highest rate in the state for five years running.

In Canada, during the past decade, the number of babies exposed to opioids in the womb has increased 16-fold in Ontario. And according to Ontario’s Provincial Council for Maternal and Child Health (PCMCH), more than 950 infants were born to opioid-addicted mothers last year. Just over half of them will live the toughest days of their lives in their first week outside the womb.

Until the governments at the federal, state and local levels can all agree on a long-term viable solution to the opioid crisis and the impact on school age children, infants born addicted and society as a whole, the opiate drug crisis will linger for generations long into the future.

In Ohio, the number of children in state custody has grown by 28 percent since 2015. Foster care populations are up more than 30 percent in Alabama, Alaska, California, Idaho, Indiana, Minnesota and New Hampshire since 2014. States like Illinois, Oklahoma, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Colorado and New Jersey now adopting new approaches to help keep parents and children together, even as parents are receiving treatment for their addictions.

The opioid epidemic plaguing the nation is taking a catastrophic toll on our most vulnerable group, the children of the opiate addicts and those with substance use disorders. Many children are sent to live with grandparents or other family members, often due to a parent overdose or other addiction displays other problems but tragically, a growing number are being placed in the foster-care system, with many states unable to keep up with the demand from both a budget as well as staffing overload.

From 2013 to 2015, the number of children in foster care nationwide jumped almost 7 percent to nearly 429,000, according to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services’ Administration on Children and Families, the 2016 to 2018 numbers have moved that number closer to 550,000. Parental substance use was cited as a factor in about 32 percent of all foster placements. From 2000 to 2015, more than half a million people died of an overdose, and currently 91 people a day die from opiate overdoses.

Unfortunately, many children, the indirect victims of the crisis, are not getting the care and services they need. “This is a neglected subpopulation,” says John Kelly, PhD, associate professor of psychiatry in addiction medicine at Harvard Medical School, and the founder and director of the Massachusetts General Hospital. “Because we’re trying to put out the fire in terms of stopping overdose deaths, we haven’t really been attending to other casualties, including kids most importantly.”

To lessen the long-term effects on children, psychologists are treating children in the foster-care system in outpatient, inpatient and residential treatment programs and in school-based mental health programs.

“Treating Women Who Are Pregnant and Parenting for Opioid Use Disorder and the Concurrent Care of Their Infants and Children: Literature Review to Support National Guidance.  https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/28406856

[STUDY OBJECTIVES: The prevalence of opioid use disorder (OUD) during pregnancy is increasing. Practical recommendations will help providers treat pregnant women with OUD and reduce potentially negative health consequences for mother, fetus, and child. This article summarizes the literature review conducted using the RAND/University of California, Los Angeles Appropriateness Method project completed by the US Department of Health and Human Services Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration to obtain current evidence on treatment approaches for pregnant and parenting women with OUD and their infants and children]

Drug users’ children flooding to foster care

In Washington state, this number is alarming but not widely known, 10,000 high-school seniors said they used heroin or gotten high on opioid-derived painkillers in 2016, those numbers were about the same as two years prior, but foster care placements have surged.

 

Between 2011 and 2017, the state took children from drug-abusing parents nearly 14,000 times. Last year’s rate was the highest for drug-related causes since 2010 — up 16 percent over 2015 — while state hospitals report a steady increase in substance-exposed newborns.

Child-welfare workers hear complaints about increasingly severe problems in school — more physical violence toward peers, or kids who need to be taught separately — from students whose parents are staggering through addiction, said Jenna Kiser, who oversees intake at the state Children’s Administration.

Jenny Heddin, a state agency supervisor stated, “These numbers are very concerning, when children from these homes come into foster care, they can be very difficult to serve.”

This represent one corner of a national wave. More than 37 states report unprecedented numbers of kids entering foster care, many of them for reasons related to a parent’s substance abuse, according to the federal Department of Education.

Damaging children’s futures

By the time Child Protective Services is knocking on someone’s door, the problem is already severe. And so far efforts to respond might best be described as triage — focused more on addiction treatment than prevention, both in Washington and across the country.

As in many other states, political infighting prevents treatment, earlier this year Washington Gov. Jay Inslee proposed spending $20 million on a multipronged effort to combat opioid addiction. The bill never made it to the floor for a full vote, and it contained little funding for prevention. (But $1.7 million targeted for youth did get funding.)

Yet researchers warn that ignoring that aspect of the crisis virtually guarantees costly problems to come as the children of addicts grow into adulthood. Kevin Haggerty, a professor at the University of Washington who studies risk factors for drug abuse, authored one of the few peer-reviewed studies tracking life outcomes for these young people.

In the early 1990s, Professor Haggerty identified 151 elementary and middle-school children in Washington who were growing up with heroin-addicted parents. Fifteen years later, 33 percent had dropped out of high school. The vast majority were addicts themselves, and half had criminal records. Only 2 percent had made it through college. (Nationally, 33 percent of all kindergartners in 1992 grew up to earn a college degree.)

“The results are astounding at how poor the outcomes are, when having a drug-addicted parent,” said Caleb Banta-Green, principal research scientist at the Alcohol and Drug Abuse Institute at the University of Washington’s School of Public Health.

“We need to be doing a lot more for kids being parented by opiate-addicted parents — and we’re not.”

“Families literally bring their problems to our door now to help them navigate their lives,” Harrington-Bacote said. “Public schools are doing things that fall way outside of regular academic education. But if they don’t, it’s not going to get addressed at all.”

OHIO EXAMPLES – HOW BIG PHARMA OPIOID MONEY DESTROYS LIVES

Way before social workers showed up in his living room this March, Matt McLaughlin, a 16-year-old with diabetes, had taken to a routine not of his doing, trying to scrounge up enough change for food while his mom, Kelly, went out to use heroin. On a good night, the high school junior would walk his neighborhood in Andover, Ohio to pick up frozen pizza from the dollar store, and on bad nights, he’d play video games to keep his mind off his hunger and unknown blood sugar levels.

When Matt was little, his mom Kelly was a Head Start caseworker who taught parents how to manage their autistic children and who hosted potlucks and played Barbie with Matt’s sister, Brianna. “Growing up, we were the house that everyone wanted to come to,” remembered Brianna, now 20. “I loved every minute of it.”

Kelly had neck surgery and got addicted to OxyContin, and by 2015, she was spending her days napping, disappearing for hours at a time, or going to her neighbor’s house, where she would exchange cash for packets of heroin. She started yelling at the kids, food became scarce, life changed for the worse, “It’s like her personality did a 180,” Brianna said. “I felt like I lost my mom to this pit that I couldn’t pull her out of.”

Ashtabula County Children Services answered a tip when someone called the police and urged them to check on the family.

She’d been to detox several times over the years, trying to rid herself of what felt like a demon that had taken over her brain. Last year, she managed to stay clean for 63 days, until a friend came over “and laid out a line—and that was all it took.” There are five heroin dealers within a five-mile radius and all are more than willing to provide an addict the opiate of choice, which is the norm for rural Ohio anymore.

Her kids were once again forced to pack their bags as Kelly would go to detox another time, they were lucky to have relatives nearby. The spiraling opioid epidemic has disrupted so many families that all the foster homes in Ashtabula County are full, with this story being repeated across the country every day.

The scourge of addiction to painkillers, heroin, and fentanyl sweeping the country has produced a flood of bewildered children who, having lost their parents to drug use or overdose, are now living with foster families or relatives. In Ashtabula County, in Ohio’s northeast corner, the number of children in court custody quadrupled from 69 in 2014 to 279 last year. “I can’t remember the last time I removed a kid and it didn’t have to do with drugs,” says a child services supervisor.  Her clients range from preschoolers who know to call 911 when a parent overdoses to steely teenagers who cook and clean while Mom and Dad spend all day in the bathroom. Often, the kids marvel at how quickly everything changed—how a loving mom could transform, as one teenager put it, into a “zombie.”

The pattern mirrors a national trend: Largely because of the opioid epidemic, there were 30,000 more children in foster care in 2015 than there were in 2012—an 8 percent increase. In 14 states, from New Hampshire to North Dakota, the number of foster kids rose by more than a quarter between 2011 and 2015, according to data amassed by the Annie E. Casey Foundation. In Texas, Florida, Oregon, and elsewhere, kids have been forced to sleep in state buildings because there were no foster homes available, says advocacy group Children’s Rights. Federal child welfare money has been dwindling for years, leaving state and local funding to fill in the gaps. But Ashtabula County is one of the poorest counties in Ohio, and despite a recent boost in funding, the state contributes the lowest share toward children’s services of any state in the country. 

More Broken Families, Less Funding

 Ohio also has one of the nation’s highest overdose rates. In 2016, at least 4,149 Ohioans died of drug overdose—a 36 percent jump from the year before, according to the Columbus Dispatch. In 2015, 1 in 9 US heroin deaths occurred in Ohio.

It’s hard to overstate just how pervasive the epidemic feels here. Detective Taylor Cleveland, who investigates drug cases in Ashtabula, told me, “I’m dealing with ruined homes two and three times a day.” Cleveland, who coaches youth soccer and recently adopted a 17-year-old player whose mom overdosed, leads a task force that responds to every overdose in the county. Once, he arrived at an overdose scene only to realize that the victim slouched over in the motel room was his cousin, whose young daughter had called 911. “Every OD that happens, I get a text. I’ve gotten two texts while we’ve been talking.” We’d been talking for less than an hour.

Given the scale of the crisis, it’s not hard to understand why, when Donald Trump promised Ohioans on the campaign trail to “spend the money” to confront the opioid crisis and build a wall so drugs would stop flowing in, locals in this historically blue county took notice. In late October, Trump became the first presidential candidate since John F. Kennedy to visit Ashtabula County. He promised to bring back jobs, to open the long-shuttered steel plants, to build the wall. Twelve days later, Ashtabula residents voted for a Republican president for the first time since Ronald Reagan in 1984.

WHITE HOUSE PROMISED ON OPIOIDS BUT DIDN’T DELIVER

But since he took office, Trump’s plans to tackle the epidemic head-on have fizzled. Republicans’ recent effort to repeal and replace Obamacare would slash funding for Medicaid, which is the country’s largest payer for addiction services—and which covers nearly half of Ohio’s prescriptions for the opioid addiction medication buprenorphine. The bill would enable insurers in some states to get out of the Obamacare requirement to cover substance abuse treatment. A memo leaked in May revealed Trump’s plans to effectively eliminate the White House’s drug policy office, cutting its budget by 95 percent. (The administration has since backpedaled on the plans, following bipartisan criticism.) Trump’s 2018 budget proposes substantial cuts to the Administration for Children and Families, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, and the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program.

“I think some people felt as though nothing else is working,” said one Ashtabula resident when I asked why so many in a Medicaid-dependent area would vote for Trump. Now, she says, “I’m really, really scared. You don’t get it until you live in a small town and you see people die every day.”

Like so many other Midwest Rust Belt counties, Ashtabula, Ohio has seen better days. Locals proudly tell me that the Port of Ashtabula used to be one of the biggest in the world, where barges unloaded iron mined from Minnesota’s Mesabi Range onto trains headed for the steel mills of the Ohio River Valley. Today, once-bustling streets have given way to vacant storefronts and fast-food chains; the surrounding countryside is made up of farm fields, trailer parks, and junkyards. One in three kids now live below the federal poverty line, less than half of adults have a high school education. The financial downturn accelerated in the ’90s when manufacturing jobs started disappearing.

Then Opiate Big Pharma and their marketing campaigns introduced newer “less addictive” painkillers like OxyContin and others like Vicodin were liberally prescribed in communities wrestling with dwindling economic opportunity and rife with workplace injuries common to mines, lumberyards, and factories. As authorities started to tighten the rules on prescribing drugs like OxyContin, the use of heroin, which is chemically nearly identical to opioid painkillers, crept up. But the tipping point, for Ohio and the country, came over the past couple of years, when illicit fentanyl, an opioid up to 100 times more powerful than morphine, started making its way into the heroin supply. Since then, says Dr. Thomas Gilson, the medical examiner for nearby Cuyahoga County, the deaths have been coming “like a tidal wave.”

About five years ago, Ohio noticed a major uptick in the number of parents using heroin. More recently, elected officials have learned more about the parasitic way that opioids co-opt the brain and the complex pull of addictions attitudes have softened, with most realizing there is no good guy or bad guy, once addiction takes hold. The long-term problems are often multiplied many times over by lack of short-term treatment.

Gov. John Kasich, a notorious budget hawk, made national news when he pushed Medicaid expansion through Ohio’s conservative Legislature. “When you die and get to the meeting with St. Peter,” he told one lawmaker, “he’s probably not going to ask you much about what you did about keeping government small, but he is going to ask you what you did for the poor.” He made news yet again last week, when he signed a 2018 budget that will, for the first time in years, increase the state’s funding for children’s services. Yet the $30 million boost in funding over two years, which will pay foster parents and provide counseling for the kids, won’t make up for the $55 million increase in child placement costs over the past three years. Other than county pilot programs, “No policy or state investment has focused specifically on the children flooding into county agency custody as a result of the opioid epidemic,” concluded a report by the Public Children Services Association of Ohio this spring.

Meanwhile, federal funding for children’s services decreased by 16 percent between 2004 and 2014. That’s due in part to an arcane law stipulating that the largest pot of federal money for children’s services applies only to kids from below a certain income threshold. In many states, that threshold is about half the poverty level—in Ohio, it’s roughly $14,000 per year for a family of four. But the opioid epidemic has afflicted families of all stripes. “A few years ago, I was constantly just in homes that were clearly in poverty,” says Mongenel. Now she’s struck by her new clients’ well-kept houses: “You pull up to it and it’s like, ‘Really?’”

The director of one Ohio county stated “that more caseworkers are quitting than ever before, unable to reconcile the overwhelming caseload with the paltry salary, which starts at $28,500..’”

CPS and affiliated social services agencies across the United States are now becoming much more familiar with the latest addiction research on ACEs and impacts on young children. They know that a child with four or more ACEs is twice as likely as other kids to develop cancer and ten times more likely to inject drugs themselves. When they encounter someone like Lisa, they are torn between mitigating one ACE, exposure to parental substance abuse, and catalyzing another: separating a child from her parents, which is what makes these conversations so heart-wrenching.

For county and state professionalsone of the most difficult things about managing opioid cases is how unpredictable they can be, never knowing how a client’s drug-addicted parent will do after detox. Some thrive and are quickly reunited with their families. Others can’t pull themselves out of the black hole of addiction.

Every 19 minutes, an opioid addicted baby is born in America, while many of us are well aware of the repercussions of addiction in adults, but very little is understood about the impact it has on infants. After months of being fed opioids through the mother, these babies suffer through excruciating pain.

Imagine, then, how it feels for a baby. Infants who have been exposed to opioid painkillers like morphine, codeine, oxycodone, methadone treatment or street drugs such as heroin while in utero are literally cut off from the drugs when they are born. Within their first 72 hours of life, about half of the babies who have been exposed begin having withdrawal symptoms.

The medical term for this is neonatal abstinence syndrome, or NAS, and rates of babies born with it are rising along with the exponential increase of painkiller use and abuse.

A recent analysis by the Centers for Disease Control estimated that nearly six out of every 1,000 infants born in the U.S. are now diagnosed with NAS. However, experts say that rate is likely higher, as not all states regularly collect such data.

In Tennessee which is currently the only state in the country that equates substance abuse while pregnant with aggravated assault, the penalty is punishable by a 15-year prison sentence. Eighteen other states consider it to be child abuse, and three say its grounds for civil commitment. Four states require drug testing of mothers and 18 require that healthcare professionals report when drug abuse is suspected. There are also 19 states that have created funding for targeted drug treatment programs for pregnant women.

Opponents of the punishment philosophy claim that punishing addicted pregnant women will not stop them from abusing drugs – instead it will stop them from seeking prenatal care. Many also claim that these policies would unfairly punish mothers for drug use compared to fathers. Organizations, such as the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and the American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), have encouraged a treatment over punishment approach for pregnant mothers with drug addictions.

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Why Isn’t Medical Cannabis Used to Treat Opioid and Substance Abuse Disorders More Often? 

Will Medical Marijuana Become A Viable Addiction Treatment Option?

By Mark A. York (September 28, 2018)

 

 

 

 

 

 

(MASS TORT NEXUS MEDIA) More and more medical treatment professionals, politicians and others have joined in the quickly emerging role of medical marijuana to help in treatment by patients struggling with opioid addiction. Now, two studies are reflecting this emerging treatment to be viable.

Will medical marijuana become a viable option in the long term treatment programs that may be coming out of the Opiate Prescription Litigation MDL 2804 and the many state court opioid based lawsuits filed across the country? See Mass Tort Nexus Briefcase Re: National-Prescription-Litigation-MDL-2804-USDC-ND-Ohio, where the various opioid litigation dockets and court rulings are provided.

Recent studies, published journal JAMA Internal Medicine, compared opioid prescription patterns in states that have enacted medical cannabis laws with those that have not. One of the studies looked at opioid prescriptions covered by Medicare Part D between 2010 and 2015, while the other looked at opioid prescriptions covered by Medicaid between 2011 and 2016.

Additionally, three states have approved Medical Cannabis for alternative treatments related to both pain management and substance abuse disorders, where cannabis has been determined as an appropriate treatment. Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Illinois are at the forefront of using changes to state laws regarding medical cannabis in the most effective clinical settings when possible.

PENNSYLVANIA CANNABIS BASED OPIOID ADDICTION TREATMENT

The Pennsylvania Department of Health approved major changes to the state’s medical marijuana program, when the  health department added opioid addiction to the list of conditions eligible for treatment with medicinal cannabis. With that decision, Pennsylvania joins New Jersey and Illinois as the only states that have done so.

Pennsylvania Secretary of Health Dr. Rachel Levine told local media that marijuana won’t be the first treatment for addiction to opioids. Instead, doctors will try more traditional therapies first.

“It’s important to note that medical marijuana is not a substitute for proven treatments for opioid use disorder,” Dr. Levine said. “In Pennsylvania, medical marijuana will be available to patients if all other treatment fails, or if a physician recommends that it be used in conjunction with traditional therapies.”

A related positive note by Pennsylvania is the Department of Health has approved cannabis research licenses for five Philadelphia area medical schools on Monday. With one topic of research at the institutions being the potential role of cannabis in addiction treatment as a normal treatment protocol.

The schools that received approval to study cannabis are Drexel University College of Medicine, Lewis Katz School of Medicine at Temple University, Sidney Kimmel Medical College at Thomas Jefferson University, Perelman School of Medicine at the University of Pennsylvania, and Philadelphia College of Osteopathic Medicine.

JAMA STUDY RESULTS

The researchers found that states that allow the use of cannabis for medical purposes had 2.21 million fewer daily doses of opioids prescribed per year under Medicare Part D, compared with those states without medical cannabis laws. Opioid prescriptions under Medicaid also dropped by 5.88% in states with medical cannabis laws compared with states without such laws, according to the studies.

“This study adds one more brick in the wall in the argument that cannabis clearly has medical applications,” said David Bradford, professor of public administration and policy at the University of Georgia and a lead author of the Medicare study.

“And for pain patients in particular, our work adds to the argument that cannabis can be effective.”

Medicare Part D, the optional prescription drug benefit plan for those enrolled in Medicare, covers more than 42 million Americans, including those 65 or older. Medicaid provides health coverage to more than 73 million low-income individuals in the US, according to the program’s website.

“Medicare and Medicaid publishes this data, and we’re free to use it, and anyone who’s interested can download the data,” Bradford said. “But that means that we don’t know what’s going on with the privately insured and the uninsured population, and for that, I’m afraid the data sets are proprietary and expensive.”

Republicans Support Legalizing Medical Cannabis

Earlier this year, the National Academy of Sciences, in a 395-page report, refuted the official US Department of Justice position that cannabis is a “gateway drug” and that using marijuana can lead to opioid addiction and instead found evidence of cannabis having therapeutic and health benefits. Joe Schrank, a social worker who worked at various detox centers and clean houses, is now practicing the report’s findings at High Sobriety treatment center in Los Angeles, where he offers clients medical and therapeutic sessions, and daily doses of marijuana to treat a variety of addictions.

The Opioid Crisis Is Here

The new research comes as the United States remains entangled in the worst opioid epidemic the world has ever seen. Opioid overdose has risen dramatically over the past 15 years and has been implicated in over 500,000 deaths since 2000 — more than the number of Americans killed in World War II.

“As somebody who treats patients with opioid use disorders, this crisis is very real. These patients die every day, and it’s quite shocking in many ways,” said Dr. Kevin Hill, an addiction psychiatrist at Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center and an assistant professor of psychiatry at Harvard Medical School, who was not involved in the new studies.

“We have had overuse of certain prescription opioids over the years, and it’s certainly contributed to the opioid crisis that we’re feeling,” he added. “I don’t think that’s the only reason, but certainly, it was too easy at many points to get prescriptions for opioids.”

Today, more than 90 Americans a day die from opioid overdose, resulting in more than 42,000 deaths per year, according to the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Opioid overdose recently overtook vehicular accidents and shooting deaths as the most common cause of accidental death in the United States, the CDC says.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Doctors must lead us out of our opioid abuse epidemic

Like opioids, marijuana has been shown to be effective in treating chronic pain as well as other conditions such as seizures, multiple sclerosis and certain mental disorders, according to the National Institute on Drug Abuse. Research suggests that the cannabinoid and opioid receptor systems rely on common signaling pathways in the brain, including the dopamine reward system that is central to drug tolerance, dependence and addiction.

“All drugs of abuse operate using some shared pathways. For example, cannabinoid receptors and opioid receptors coincidentally happen to be located very close by in many places in the brain,” Hill said. “So it stands to reason that a medication that affects one system might affect the other.”

But unlike opioids, marijuana has little addiction potential, and virtually no deaths from marijuana overdose have been reported in the United States, according to Bradford.

“No one has ever died of cannabis, so it has many safety advantages over opiates,” Bradford said. “And to the extent that we’re trying to manage the opiate crisis, cannabis is a potential tool.”

Comparing states with and without medical marijuana laws

  • Researchers compared prescription patterns in states with and without medical cannabis laws
  • States with medical marijuana had 2.21 million fewer daily doses of opioids prescribed per year
  • Opioid prescriptions under Medicaid dropped by 5.88% in states with medical cannabis laws

In order to evaluate whether medical marijuana could function as an effective and safe alternative to opioids, the two teams of researchers looked at whether opioid prescriptions were lower in states that had active medical cannabis laws and whether those states that enacted these laws during the study period saw reductions in opioid prescriptions.

Both teams, in fact, did find that opioid prescriptions were significantly lower in states that had enacted medical cannabis laws. The team that looked at Medicaid patients also found that the four states that switched from medical use only to recreational use — Alaska, Colorado, Oregon and Washington — saw further reductions in opioid prescriptions, according to Hefei Wen, assistant professor of health management and policy at the University of Kentucky and a lead author on the Medicaid study.

“We saw a 9% or 10% reduction (in opioid prescriptions) in Colorado and Oregon,” Wen said. “And in Alaska and Washington, the magnitude was a little bit smaller but still significant.”

Cannabis legalization by the numbers

The first state in the United States to legalize marijuana for medicinal use was California, in 1996. Since then, 29 states and the District of Columbia have approved some form of legalized cannabis. All of these states include chronic pain — either directly or indirectly — in the list of approved medical conditions for marijuana use, according to Bradford.

The details of the medical cannabis laws were found to have a significant impact on opioid prescription patterns, the researchers found. States that permitted recreational use, for example, saw an additional 6.38% reduction in opioid prescriptions under Medicaid compared with those states that permitted marijuana only for medical use, according to Wen.

The method of procurement also had a significant impact on opioid prescription patterns. States that permitted medical dispensaries — regulated shops that people can visit to purchase cannabis products — had 3.742 million fewer opioid prescriptions filled per year under Medicare Part D, while those that allowed only home cultivation had 1.792 million fewer opioid prescriptions per year.

“We found that there was about a 14.5% reduction in any opiate use when dispensaries were turned on — and that was statistically significant — and about a 7% reduction in any opiate use when home cultivation only was turned on,” Bradford said. “So dispensaries are much more powerful in terms of shifting people away from the use of opiates.”

The impact of these laws also differed based on the class of opioid prescribed. Specifically, states with medical cannabis laws saw 20.7% fewer morphine prescriptions and 17.4% fewer hydrocodone prescriptions compared with states that did not have these laws, according to Bradford.

 

 

 

 

 

 

This is fentanyl: A visual guide

Fentanyl prescriptions under Medicare Part D also dropped by 8.5% in states that had enacted medical cannabis laws, though the difference was not statistically significant, Bradford said. Fentanyl is a synthetic opioid, like heroin, that can be prescribed legally by physicians. It is 50 to 100 times more potent than morphine, and even a small amount can be fatal, according to the National Institute on Drug Abuse.

“I know that many people, including the attorney general, Jeff Sessions, are skeptical of cannabis,” Bradford said. “But, you know, the attorney general needs to be terrified of fentanyl.”

MAKING CANNABIS AVAILABLE

This is not the first time researchers have found a link between marijuana legalization and decreased opioid use. A 2014 study showed that states with medical cannabis laws had 24.8% fewer opioid overdose deaths between 1999 and 2010. A study in 2017 also found that the legalization of recreational marijuana in Colorado in 2012 reversed the state’s upward trend in opioid-related deaths.

“There is a growing body of scientific literature suggesting that legal access to marijuana can reduce the use of opioids as well as opioid-related overdose deaths,” said Melissa Moore, New York deputy state director for the Drug Policy Alliance. “In states with medical marijuana laws, we have already seen decreased admissions for opioid-related treatment and dramatically reduced rates of opioid overdoses.”

Sessions: DOJ looking at ‘rational’ marijuana policy

Some skeptics, though, argue that marijuana legalization could actually worsen the opioid epidemic. Another 2017 study, for example, showed a positive association between illicit cannabis use and opioid use disorders in the United States. But there may be an important difference between illicit cannabis use and legalized cannabis use, according to Hill.

“As we have all of these states implementing these policies, it’s imperative that we do more research,” Hill said. “We need to study the effects of these policies, and we really haven’t done it to the degree that we should.”

The two recent studies looked only at patients enrolled in Medicaid and Medicare Part D, meaning the results may not be generalizable to the entire US population.

But both Hill and Moore agree that as more states debate the merits of legalizing marijuana in the coming months and years, more research will be needed to create consistency between cannabis science and cannabis policy.

“There is a great deal of movement in the Northeast, with New Hampshire and New Jersey being well-positioned to legalize adult use,” Moore said. “I believe there are also ballot measures to legalize marijuana in Arizona, Florida, Missouri, Nebraska and South Dakota as well that voters will decide on in Fall 2018.”

Hill called the new research “a call to action” and added, “we should be studying these policies. But unfortunately, the policies have far outpaced the science at this point.”

There are no U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA)-approved painkillers derived from marijuana, but companies such as Axim Biotechnologies Inc, Nemus Bioscience Inc and Intec Pharma Ltd have drugs in various stages of development.

The companies are targeting the more than 100 million Americans who suffer from chronic pain, and are dependent on opioid painkillers such as Vicodin, or addicted to street opiates including heroin.

Opioid overdoses, which have claimed the lives of celebrities including Prince and Heath Ledger as victims, contributed to more than 33,000 deaths in 2015, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

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Motion for New Infant/NAS Opioid Dependant MDL 2872 Filed With JPML on September 20, 2018

A group of plaintiff attorneys have filed a new motion for consolidation of an “Infant/NAS Opioid Addicted Baby MDL” to be separate from the existing Opiate Prescription MDL 2804 due to the lack of “individuals/baby cases” being offered a prominent role in MDL 2804

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

September 20, 2018 Motion and Brief in Support Filed With the Joint Panel on Multidistrict Litigation:

BEFORE THE UNITED STATES JUDICIAL PANEL ON MULTIDISTRICT LITIGATION

IN RE: CHILDREN BORN                                                           MDL – 2872

OPIOID-DEPENDENT

 

MOTION FOR TRANSFER OF ACTIONS PURSUANT TO 28 U.S.C. §

1407 FOR COORDINATED OR CONSOLIDATED PRETRIAL PROCEEDINGS

 

Plaintiffs[1] respectfully move that the Judicial Panel on Multidistrict Litigation (“Panel”), pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1407 and Rule 6.2 of the Rules of Procedure of the Panel, transfer the actions on behalf of children born opioid-dependent listed in the attached Schedule of Actions and subsequent tag-along actions to a separate MDL before the Southern District of West Virginia.  Alternatively, Plaintiffs request transfer to the Southern District of Illinois.  Transfer is appropriate for the following reasons:

  1. Movants seek transfer and coordination or consolidation of all cases filed on behalf of opioiddependent infants into a separate MDL for the reasons laid out in the Doyle plaintiffs’ recently filed Motion to Vacate CTO-47 (JPML 2804 Rec. Doc. 2398).[2] As discussed therein, the cases of the opioiddependent infants are unique, and further, Movants have grave concerns that the due process rights of opioid-dependent infants are not being protected in MDL 2804 and that the interests of the governmental and corporate parties represented by the MDL leadership are fundamentally in conflict with those of these infants. The question now posed to the Panel, argued in the accompanying brief in support of this Motion, is not whether these cases should be held outside of the MDL as presently structured (they must be), but whether they should be consolidated in a separate MDL.
  2. Presently, there are substantially similar class action suits filed on behalf of opioid-dependent infants pending in the Southern District of West Virginia, the Southern District of Ohio, as well as eight cases currently caught up in MDL 2804 in the Northern District of Ohio. Undersigned counsel anticipates that several more substantially similar opioid-dependent infant class action suits will be filed across the country in the coming months.
  3. The actions on behalf of the opioid-dependent infants assert substantially similar claims and seek substantially similar relief. These suits seek to establish a fund for medical monitoring, damages related to acute neonatal abstinence syndrome (NAS) treatment and long-term treatment of these innocent victims of the Opioid Crisis.
  4. The convenience of the courts, witnesses, parties, and counsel will all be served by transfer of these cases to the Southern District of West Virginia, or in the alternative, the Southern District of

Illinois.

  1. Absent transfer, the opioid-dependent infants’ unique interests will remain unprotected and these young victims risk losing the opportunity to achieve a productive adulthood.
  2. In support of this Motion, Movants file:
    1. A Brief supporting their Motion;
    2. A numbered Schedule of Actions providing (i) the complete name of each action involved, listing the full name of each party included as such on the district court’s docket sheet; (ii) the district court and division where each action is pending; (iii) the civil action number of each action; and, (iv) the name of the Judge assigned to each action;
    3. A copy of all complaints and docket sheets for all actions listed on the schedule;
    4. Statement Regarding Oral Argument; and,
    5. Proof of Service.

WHEREFORE, Movants respectfully request that the Panel grant their motion and transfer these cases, for coordinated and consolidated pre-trial proceedings, to the Southern District of West Virginia. Alternatively, Plaintiffs request transfer to the Southern District of Illinois.

Respectfully submitted,

/s/ Scott R. Bickford

MARTZELL, BICKFORD & CENTOLA

Scott R. Bickford (LA 1165)

Spencer R. Doody (LA 27795)

338 Lafayette Street

New Orleans, LA 70130

Telephone: 504-581-9065 Facsimile: 504-581-7635 sbickford@mbfirm.com srd@mbfirm.com

usdcndoh@mbfirm.com

CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE

             I HEREBY CERTIFY that on this 19th day of September, 2018, a true and correct copy of the foregoing has been electronically filed with the Clerk of Court using the CM/ECF system, which provides an electronic service notification to all counsel of record registered as CM/ECF users.

/s/Scott Bickford___________________________

Scott Bickford

 

[1] Movants are: Deric Rees and Ceonda Rees, individually and as next friend and guardian of Baby T.W.B. on behalf of themselves and all others similarly situated (Illinois Class); Darren and Elena Flanagan, individually and as adoptive parents and next friends of Baby K.L.F., on behalf of themselves and all others similarly situated (Tennessee Class); Rachel Wood, individually and as next friend and adopted mother of Baby O.W., on behalf of themselves and all others similarly situated (Missouri Class); Melissa Ambrosio, individually and as next friend of Baby G.A., and on behalf of themselves and all others similarly situated (California Class); Shannon Hunt, individually and as next friend of Baby S.J., on behalf of themselves and all others similarly situated (Maryland Class); Bobbi Lou Moore on behalf of Baby R.R.C., and all other similarly situated (West Virginia Class); Walter and Virginia Salmons, individually and as the next friend or guardian of Minor W.D. and on behalf of all others similarly situated (National Class).

[2] All arguments in Motion to Vacate CTO-47 (JPML 2804 Rec. Doc. 2398) are adopted in support of this Motion.

 

___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

BEFORE THE UNITED STATES JUDICIAL PANEL ON MULTIDISTRICT LITIGATION

IN RE: CHILDREN BORN                       MDL – _________

OPIOID-DEPENDENT

 

BRIEF IN SUPPORT OF PLAINTIFFS’ MOTION FOR TRANSFER OF

ACTIONS PURSUANT TO 28 U.S.C. § 1407 FOR COORDINATED OR

CONSOLIDATED PRETRIAL PROCEEDINGS

Plaintiffs[1] respectfully move that the Judicial Panel on Multidistrict Litigation (“Panel”), pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1407 and Rule 6.2 of the Rules of Procedure of the Panel, transfer the actions on behalf of children born opioid-dependent listed in the attached Schedule of Actions and subsequent tag-along actions to a separate MDL before the Southern District of West Virginia.; alternatively, Plaintiffs request transfer to the Southern District of Illinois.

I.        Children Born Opioid-Dependent Need A Separate MDL From MDL 2804

Movants seek transfer and coordination or consolidation of all cases filed on behalf of opioiddependent infants into a new MDL for the reasons laid out in the Doyle plaintiffs’ recently filed Motion to Vacate CTO-47 (JPML 2804 Rec. Doc. 2398).[2] As discussed therein, Movants bring unique claims on behalf of opioid-dependent infants, distinct from the claims of the government and corporate plaintiffs in MDL 2804. These suits bring direct claims on behalf of innocent victims for past and future damages suffered, in contrast to claims for reimbursement. Plaintiffs’ claims do not wholly sound in public nuisance but also in state medical monitoring and product liability causes of action. Further, Movants have grave concerns that the due process rights of opioid-dependent infants are not being protected in MDL 2804 and that the interests of the governmental and corporate parties represented by the MDL leadership are fundamentally in conflict with those of these infants.

Movants established in their Motion to Vacate that concerns for due process, conflicts of interest, and the protection owed to children under the law compel this Panel to exclude such claims from MDL 2804 as it is presently structured.  Movants have also established that despite their counsel’s numerous attempts to address these concerns with the leadership of the MDL, the status quo remains.  Absent a structural change within the MDL, the question before the Panel is not whether these cases should be held outside of the MDL (they must be), but whether they should be consolidated in their own MDL.

The prospect of a separate MDL for a non-governmental plaintiff group was explicitly and favorably discussed at this Panel’s November 30, 2017 hearing:[3]

JUDGE BREYER: Well, there’s another option that maybe your colleagues can address for you which is they all go to Judge X. There are common issues. Judge X conducts the discovery with respect to the common issues. And Judge X has the option of addressing the panel, one way or another, or the lawyers do, to create another MDL with this group or that group because the issues aren’t really amenable to the MDL that they are in.

  1. TELLIS: I think that is a fine idea.

JUDGE BREYER: You like that idea?

  1. TELLIS: I like that idea.

JUDGE BREYER: I’m glad you came up with that idea.

JUDGE VANCE: It’s not infeasible to think there could be a personal injury MDL or a third-party payor.

It has become abundantly clear that MDL 2804 is not amenable to the issues affecting opioid dependent infants, making a separate MDL for this group of innocent, injured plaintiffs necessary.

Presently, there are substantially similar opioid-dependent infant class action suits pending in the Southern District of West Virginia, the Southern District of Ohio, as well as eight cases currently caught up in MDL 2804 in the Northern District of Ohio. These state by state class actions filed to date conservatively represent approximately 40% of the children born opioid-dependent in the country. Undersigned counsel anticipates that several other substantially similar opioid-dependent infant class action suits will be filed across the country in the coming months. The actions on behalf of the opioid-dependent infants assert substantially similar claims and seek substantially similar relief.

These suits seek to establish a fund for medical monitoring, damages related to Neonatal Abstinence Syndrome (NAS) treatment and long-term treatment of these innocent victims of the Opioid Crisis.

The medical issues involved in the opioid-dependent infant cases and the relief sought are distinct from those of the governmental and corporate cases of MDL 2804.  The unique issues of these infants’ cases require discovery to be undertaken in areas including the following:

  • Studies regarding the effect of Defendants’ opioid products upon the health of pregnant mothers and their children in utero, and effects after birth.
  • Knowledge regarding the effects of methadone (and other addiction treatment drugs) taken by pregnant mothers on their children in utero.
  • Studies regarding which medications are appropriate for pregnant mothers dealing with opioid addiction.
  • Knowledge of the diversionary opioid market’s impact on pregnant mothers.
  • Discovery relevant to Movants’ products liability claims.

 

To the extent there is overlap of factual allegations and common issues regarding the opioid drug manufacturers’ and distributors’ conduct between the opioid-dependent infant lawsuits and the suits in MDL 2804, Movants envision that discovery in the infants’ MDL would be coordinated with Judge Polster in MDL 2804 in accord with 28 U.S.C. § 1407.

Absent transfer to a separate MDL, the opioid-dependent infants’ unique interests will remain unprotected and these innocent young victims risk losing the opportunity to achieve a productive adulthood.

II. The Southern District of West Virginia is the Most Appropriate Forum for Transfer and Consolidation or Coordination

 

The Southern District of West Virginia, where the suit of Bobbi Lou Moore on behalf of Baby R.R.C. v. Purdue Pharma L.P., No. 2:18-cv-01231 (S.D.W. Va.) is currently pending, is the most appropriate forum for Multidistrict Litigation. Southern West Virginia is the epicenter of the Opioid Crisis– where it began and where its most profound impacts are being felt. West Virginia has some of the highest rates of fetal opioid exposure and Neonatal Abstinence Syndrome (NAS) in the country.

The West Virginia Department of Health and Human Resources (DHHR) recently released data for

2017 showing the overall incidence rate of NAS was 50.6 cases per 1,000 live births (5.06%) for West

Virginia residents, with the rate as high as 106.6 cases per 1,000 live births (10.66%) in one county.[4]  According to the CDC, there are many more opioid prescriptions than people in West Virginia– 138 prescriptions for every 100 people.[5] A congressional investigation revealed that from 2008 to 2012, pharmaceutical distributors sent more than 780 million pills of hydrocodone and oxycodone to West Virginia, a state with only 1.8 million people.[6] Southern West Virginia was especially hard hit: 20.8 million opioid pills were shipped from 2006 to 2016 to Williamson (population 2,900).[7] One pharmacy in Kermit (population 400) ranked 22nd in the U.S. in the number of hydrocodone pills it received in 2006.[8] The grave impact of this flood of prescription opioids on southern West Virginia and the children born there cannot be overstated.

The Courts of the Southern District of West Virginia have a proven track record in administering Multidistrict Litigation, as demonstrated by the Pelvic Repair System Products Liability Litigation. The Southern District of West Virginia provides a well-prepared, well-staffed, and overall top-notch staff and Clerk’s office. As discussed below, the District’s judges have a wealth of experience in complex litigation, particularly pharmaceutical litigation. The convenience of the courts, witnesses, parties, and counsel will all be served by transfer of these cases to the Southern District of West Virginia.

Judge Robert C. Chambers has the requisite experience to manage this complex litigation.  He previously served as Chief Judge for this District from 2012-2017, and has presided over 500 cases involving pharmaceutical companies.  Judge Chambers is currently presiding over products liability actions involving claims against the manufacturer of prescription anticoagulant drugs.[9]  He has also presided over a case featuring complex pharmaceutical litigation, W. Virginia ex rel. Morrisey v. Pfizer, Inc., 969 F. Supp. 2d 476, 479 (S.D.W. Va. 2013).  Prior to being appointed to the federal bench by President Clinton, Judge Chambers was in private practice in Charleston for twenty years, and served as legal counsel to the West Virginia State Senate.

Senior Judge David A. Faber, appointed to the federal bench in 1991 by President George H.W. Bush, served as Chief Judge at the Southern District of West Virginia from 2002 to 2007. He has served as a Senior Judge in the district since 2008. He has handled 79 cases involving pharmaceuticals, including several opioid cases.[10] Senior Judge Faber also presided over a case involving medical products liability.[11] Prior to becoming a federal judge, Senior Judge Faber worked in both private practice and served in the military as a JAG, and achieved the rank of Colonel. He attended Yale for law school where he was a National Law Scholar, and holds an L.L.M. degree from the University of Virginia.

Chief Judge Thomas E.  Johnston in the Charleston Division has over a decade of experience as a federal judge. He oversees some of the suite of cases collected in the MDL related to the Pelvic Repair System Products Liability Litigation.[12]  Chief Judge Johnston has extensive experience presiding over medical cases, including 216 cases involving health care, and 28 cases specifically involving pharmaceuticals, as well as products liability claims.[13] He had previously served as U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of West Virginia from 2001 to 2006 before being appointed to the bench by President George W. Bush.

In the alternative, Movants would propose transfer and consolidation in the Southern District of Illinois before the Judge Staci M. Yandle. Judge Yandle was appointed to the federal bench in 2014 after an illustrious career in private practice and a distinguished record of public service, including serving on the Illinois Advisory Committee to the United States Commission on Civil Rights. This Panel has previously commended the Southern District of Illinois as convenient due in part to its geographically central location.[14]

III.     Conclusion

For the above-stated reasons and the reasons stated in the Motion to Vacate filed by the Doyle plaintiffs, Movants respectfully request that the Panel transfer the actions on behalf of opioid dependent infants recited on the attached Schedule and all subsequently filed tag-along cases for coordinated and consolidated pretrial proceedings in a separate MDL in the Southern District of West Virginia. Alternatively, Movants request transfer to the Southern District of Illinois, and assignment to Judge Staci M. Yandle.

 

Respectfully submitted,

 

/s/ Scott R. Bickford

MARTZELL, BICKFORD & CENTOLA

Scott R. Bickford (LA 1165)

Spencer R. Doody (LA 27795)

338 Lafayette Street

New Orleans, LA 70130

Telephone: 504-581-9065 Facsimile: 504-581-7635 sbickford@mbfirm.com srd@mbfirm.com

usdcndoh@mbfirm.com

 

 

/s/ Celeste Brustowicz

COOPER LAW FIRM, LLC

Celeste Brustowicz (LA 16835)

Barry J. Cooper, Jr. (LA 27202)

Stephen H. Wussow (LA 35391)

Victor Cobb (LA 36830)

1525 Religious Street

New Orleans, LA 70130

Telephone: 504-399-0009 Cbrustowicz@sch-llc.com

swussow@sch-llc.com

 

 

/s/ Kevin W. Thompson

THOMPSON BARNEY LAW FIRM

Kevin W. Thompson David R. Barney, Jr.

2030 Kanawha Boulevard, East

Charleston, WV 25311

Telephone: 304-343-4401

Facsimile: 304-343-4405

Kwthompsonwv@gmail.com

 

 

/s/ James F. Clayborne

CLAYBORNE, SABO & WAGNER, LLP

Sen. James F. Clayborne (IL 45627)

525 West Main Street, Suite 105

Belleville, Il 62220

Telephone:  618-239-0187

Facsimile:  618-416-7556

jclayborne@cswlawllp.com

 

 

/s/ Jack W. Harang

LAW OFFICES OF JACK W. HARANG

Jack W. Harang (LA 15083)

2433 Taffy Drive

Kenner, LA 70065 Telephone: 504-810-4734

jwharang@gmail.com

 

 

/s/ Kent Harrison Robbins

THE LAW OFFICES OF KENT HARRISON

ROBBINS, P.A.

Kent Harrison Robbins (FL 275484)

242 Northeast 27th Street

Miami, FL 33137

Telephone: 305-532-0500

Facsimile: 305-531-0150

Primary: Khr@khrlawoffices.com

Secondary: ereyes@khrlawoffices.com

Tertiary: assistant@khrlawoffices.com

 

 

/s/ Donald Creadore

THE CREADORE LAW FIRM, P.C.

Donald Creadore (NY 2090702)

450 Seventh Avenue – 1408

New York, NY 10123

Telephone: 212-355-7200

Facsimile: 212-583-0412

Primary: donald@creadorelawfirm.com

Secondary: donald@aol.com

 

 

/s/ Warren Perrin

PERRIN, LANDRY, deLAUNAY

Warren Perrin

251 La Rue France

  1. O. Box 53597

Lafayette, LA 70505

Telephone: 337-233-5832

[1] Movants are: Deric Rees and Ceonda Rees, individually and as next friend and guardian of Baby T.W.B. on behalf of themselves and all others similarly situated (Illinois Class); Darren and Elena Flanagan, individually and as adoptive parents and next friends of Baby K.L.F., on behalf of themselves and all others similarly situated (Tennessee Class); Rachel Wood, individually and as next friend and adopted mother of Baby O.W., on behalf of themselves and all others similarly situated (Missouri Class); Melissa Ambrosio, individually and as next friend of Baby G.A., and on behalf of themselves and all others similarly situated (California Class); Shannon Hunt, individually and as next friend of Baby S.J., on behalf of themselves and all others similarly situated (Maryland Class); Bobbi Lou Moore on behalf of Baby R.R.C., and all other similarly situated (West Virginia Class); Walter and Virginia Salmons, individually and as the next friend or guardian of Minor W.D. and on behalf of all others similarly situated (National Class).

[2] All arguments in Motion to Vacate CTO-47 (JPML 2804 Rec. Doc. 2398) are adopted in support of this Motion.

[3] JPML 2804 Rec. Doc. No. 382 at 16-17, Transcript of November 30, 2017 Hearing.

[4] https://dhhr.wv.gov/News/2018/Pages/DHHR-Releases-Neonatal-Abstinence-Syndrome-Data-for-2017-.aspx

[5] CDC, “Opioid Use Disorder Documented at Delivery Hospitalization – United States 1999-2014,” August 10, 2018, at 2. “West Virginia, for example, had a prescribing rate estimated at 138 opioid prescriptions per 100 persons in 2012, suggesting that individual persons might receive more than one opioid prescription per year.”

[6] https://www.usnews.com/news/politics/articles/2018-05-08/hill-panel-probing-opioids-abuse-targets-distributorfirms

[7] Id.

[8] Id.

[9] Knight v. Boehringer Ingelheim Pharm., Inc., 2018 WL 3037442 (S.D.W. Va. June 19, 2018).

[10] See, e.g., City of Huntington v. AmerisourceBergen Drug Corp., No. CV 3:17-01362, 2017 WL 3317300 (S.D.W. Va. Aug. 3, 2017); The Town of Clendenin, West Virginia v. AmerisourceBergen Drug Corporation et al., No. 2:18-CV-01284, (S.D.W. Va.

Sept. 10, 2018); Adkins v. Purdue Pharma, L.P. et al., No. 18-CV-00477, (S.D.W. Va. Mar. 23, 2018).

[11] Walker v. Medtronic, Inc., No. CIV.A. 2:07-00317, 2010 WL 4822135 (S.D.W. Va. Nov. 24, 2010), aff’d, 670 F.3d 569 (4th Cir. 2012).

[12] See MDL No. 2187, In Re C. R. Bard, Inc., Pelvic Repair System Products Liability Litigation.

[13] See, e.g., Raab v. Smith & Nephew, Inc., 150 F. Supp. 3d 671 (S.D.W. Va. 2015).

[14] In re: Pradaxa (dabigatran etexilate) Prod. Liab. Litig., 883 F. Supp. 2d 1355, 1356 (U.S. Jud. Pan. Mult. Lit. 2012) (“The Southern District of Illinois’ geographically central location and accessibility also commend it for this nationwide products liability litigation.”).

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How Rudy Giuliani Was Able To Let Purdue Pharma (OxyContin) Slip Out Of A 2006 Criminal Indictment By DC Back Office Maneuvering

How was Purdue able to slip through the 2006 criminal indictment noose and continue to market, sell and prescribe Oxycontin for another 10 years? Guiliani and GW Bush DoJ lawyers agreed to have Purdue Pharma parent “Purdue Fredrick Company” take the guilty plea, thereby permitting Purdue Pharma to continue selling Oxycontin and furthering the current opioid crisis. See the Purdue Frederick Co. (not Purdue Pharma) Criminal Guilty Plea Outline May 9, 2007 (USDC Virginia)

By Mark A. York (August 21, 2018)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(MASS TORT NEXUS MEDIA) The US government secured a criminal conviction against Purdue Pharma in the mid-2000s but failed to curb sales of the drug after Rudy Giuliani reached a deal to avoid a ban on Purdue doing business including the federal government. The George W. Bush administration opted to settle the case instead, with the executives and the company paying $634.5 million in fines in 2007. How Rudy Guiliani slipped a fast legal maneuver past everyone is explained below.

That year, Purdue also reached a $19.5 million settlement with 26 states, including Massachusetts and the District of Columbia. But Healey’s office alleges Purdue continued deceptively marketing opioids after 2007. These settlement by various states are being used as ammunition in the current wave of opiate lawsuits versus Purdue Pharma.

2018 CONGRESS INQUIRIES INTO 2007 PLEA IGNORED

Congressman Mark DeSaulnier (D-CA) and Cummings Request Subpoena for Internal DOJ Report Indicating Purdue Pharma Concealed Knowledge of OxyContin Abuses

Washington, DC – Today, Congressman Mark DeSaulnier  and Ranking Member of the Oversight and Government Reform Committee Elijah E. Cummings sent a letter requesting that Chairman Trey Gowdy issue a subpoena to compel the Department of Justice (DOJ) to produce documents it is withholding related to an internal 2006 report that Purdue Pharma knew of significant abuses of its drug OxyContin shortly after it was brought to market in 1996.

“If this report is accurate, Purdue’s actions demonstrate a stunning disregard for human life and the law.  While Purdue Pharma made billions of dollars from OxyContin, thousands of Americans succumbed to addiction and its consequences,” the Members wrote.

The 120-page report, obtained by the New York Times, reportedly indicates that Purdue Pharma knew OxyContin was highly addictive, but the company concealed this information and vehemently denied that it had knowledge of the growing illicit use until years after it had been on the market.  Despite this deception, Purdue’s top executives managed to effectively avoid any responsibility.

According to the New York Times, the 2006 DOJ report recommended the indictment of “three of Purdue’s top executives on felony charges, including conspiracy to defraud. However, the political appointees at the Department of Justice under then-President George W. Bush reportedly overturned the prosecutors’ recommendations.

On June 12, 2018, DeSaulnier and Cummings sent a letter to DOJ requesting that it produce this report by June 25, 2018. DOJ did not respond to this request.

A full copy of the letter to Chairman Gowdy can be found here.

PURDUE PHARMA KNEW OF OXYCONTIN ABUSES

According to the New York Times’ report on the DOJ document, Purdue’s general counsel wrote in early 1999, “We have in fact picked up references to abuse of our opioid products on the internet.”

That same year, an OxyContin sales representative wrote in an email, “I feel like we have a credibility problem with our product,” after a doctor in Florida was arrested for illegally prescribing the drug. Sales representatives were discouraged by Purdue from raising concerns about abuse, with one saying his manager told him that “his job was to sell drugs, not to determine if a ‘doctor was a drug pusher.’”

PURDUE OPIATE PRESCRIPTION LAWSUITS IN 2018  

Connecticut-based Purdue Pharma is facing a wave of civil lawsuits as more than 25 states including New York, Texas, Florida, Illinois and other states have joined a growing number actions against Purdue Pharma, with Massachusetts filing a lawsuit naming not only Purdue Pharma, but Purdue executives and the Sackler family members who’ve profited from Oxycntin sales. Here is the June 12, 2018 Massachusetts complaint naming the Sackler family as defendants, State of Massachusetts Complaint vs. Purdue Pharma and the Individual Sackler Family Members.

More than 600 opiate based lawsuits are now filed against Purdue Pharma and other opiate drugmakers, distributors and pharmacies. However the primary target in every lawsuit filed is always Purdue Pharma.  These states, counties and local governments have independently sued opioid drugmakers in both state and federal courts across the country, (see OPIOID-CRISIS-BRIEFCASE-MDL-2804-OPIATE-PRESCRIPTION-LITIGATION by Mass Tort Nexus) with claims alleging the opiate drug makers, distributors and now the pharmacies engaged in fraudulent marketing to sell the powerful painkillers. They also failed to monitor and report the massive increases in opioid prescriptions flooding the US marketplace. Which has now resulted in fueling the nationwide epidemic, that’s reported to have killed over a quarter million people. The now organized approach steps up those efforts as officials sift evidence and are now holding not only the companies, but the executives and owners culpable in the designing the opioid crisis.

Purdue Pharma is facing a legal assault on many fronts, as cities, counties and states have either filed suit or are probing the company for an alleged role in the United States’ opioid and addiction epidemic.

The US government missed the opportunity to curb sales of the drug that kickstarted the opioid epidemic when it secured the only criminal conviction against the maker of OxyContin a decade ago.

Purdue Pharma hired Rudolph Giuliani, the former New York mayor and now Donald Trump’s lawyer, to head off a federal investigation in the mid-2000s into the company’s marketing of the powerful prescription painkiller at the center  of an epidemic estimated to have claimed at least 300,000 lives.

While Giuliani was not able to prevent the criminal conviction over Purdue’s fraudulent claims for OxyContin’s safety and effectiveness, he was able to reach a deal to avoid a bar on Purdue doing business with the federal government which would have killed a large part of the multibillion-dollar market for the drug.

The former New York mayor also secured an agreement that greatly restricted further prosecution of the pharmaceutical company and kept its senior executives out of prison.

The US attorney who led the investigation, John Brownlee, has defended the compromise but also expressed surprise that Purdue did not face stronger action from federal regulators and further criminal investigation given its central role in the rise of the epidemic.

Connecticut-based Purdue is now facing a wave of civil lawsuits as New York, Texas and five other states have joined a growing number actions against the company. But Brownlee was the first, and so far only, prosecutor to secure a criminal conviction against the drug maker.

Brownlee launched his investigation shortly after being appointed US attorney for the western district of Virginia as the region struggled with escalating overdoses and deaths from opioids in the early 2000s. When he looked at the source of the epidemic he found OxyContin, a drug several times more powerful than any other prescription painkiller on the market at the time.

HOW OXYCONTIN FUELED THE OPIOID CRISIS

Almost 100 people are dying every day across America from opioid overdoses – more than car crashes and shootings combined. The majority of these fatalities reveal widespread addiction to powerful prescription painkillers. The crisis unfolded in the mid-90s when the US pharmaceutical industry began marketing legal narcotics, particularly OxyContin, to treat everyday pain. This slow-release opioid was vigorously promoted to doctors and, amid lax regulation and slick sales tactics, people were assured it was safe. But the drug was akin to luxury morphine, doled out like super aspirin, and highly addictive. What resulted was a commercial triumph and a public health tragedy. Belated efforts to rein in distribution fueled a resurgence of heroin and the emergence of a deadly, black market version of the synthetic opioid fentanyl. The crisis is so deep because it affects all races, regions and incomes

Purdue turned OxyContin into a multibillion-dollar drug after its launch in 1996 with an unprecedented campaign marketing the painkiller to doctors. OxyContin contained a much higher dose of narcotic than other painkillers because it was designed to bleed slowly into a patient’s system over 12 hours and save having to take lower dosage pills more regularly. Purdue told doctors that not only was this more effective at subduing pain but it was less likely to cause addiction and more resistant to abuse by people hooked on drugs.

These were important selling points to a medical profession still wary of opioids because of concerns about addiction, and demand for OxyContin quickly surged. But it almost as swiftly became apparent to prosecutors that neither claim was true as doctors reported increasing numbers of people becoming addicted to the high dosage, and that those already hooked on opioids found it easy to extract the narcotic by crushing the pills.

OxyContin became the go-to drug for people looking for an instant high by snorting or injecting.

“This was the magic pill, right? This was a long-acting pill that the addicts wouldn’t like and you couldn’t get dependent on, and that is the magic bullet. The reality is it just wasn’t true,” said Brownlee. “It was highly deceptive and then they trained their sales force to go out and to push that deception on physicians.”

Investigators waded through several million of Purdue’s internal memos, marketing documents and notes from sales representatives. Brownlee’s office discovered training videos in which reps acted out selling the drug using the false claims. “This was pushed by the company to be marketed in an illegal way, pushed from the highest levels of the company, that in my view made them a criminal enterprise that needed to be dealt with,” said Brownlee.

When Purdue discovered it was under investigation it dispatched Giuliani, fresh from his term as mayor of New York during the 9/11 attacks, in the twin roles of heavyweight lawyer to confront the young prosecutor while also working his powerful connections in Washington. Giuliani met repeatedly with Brownlee. At first the Purdue lawyer tried to persuade the prosecutor that he had got it all wrong.

“It was basically, you need to look at the company differently. All we do is make a product and we give it to doctors and doctors ultimately make the choice,” said Brownlee.

The prosecutor heard Giuliani out but regarded his attempts to load responsibility on to doctors as missing the point. “What were the doctors being told? That was the real rub. To me the biggest evidence were the videos of the training sessions. When I saw that, you now know that this is what the corporation wants the doctors to know, and it just wasn’t true,” said Brownlee.

The US attorney had six meetings with Giuliani. They moved from how to interpret the evidence and questions around discovery to negotiations over the final settlement.

HOW GUILIANI WORKED BACK OFFICE DC CONNECTIONS

But Giuliani and his team seemed to be also working their Washington contacts. The Purdue lawyers complained to the office of the then deputy attorney general, James Comey, whose tenure as head of the FBI lay ahead of him, that Brownlee was exceeding his legal authority in pursuit of documents from the company.

“The defense lawyers contacted Mr Comey unbeknownst to us and said those guys down there are crazy,” said Brownlee. The US attorney went to Washington to explain to Comey in person. Purdue was not instantly recognizable as a pharmaceutical company to most people in DC. The name was easily mistaken for Perdue Farms, a regional chicken producer well known for its television ads featuring the owner, Frank Perdue. “Mr Comey said, why are you prosecuting the chicken guy?” said Brownlee.

Once that misunderstanding was cleared up, Comey signed off on Brownlee’s actions and Purdue was forced to hand over the documents. Brownlee set the drug maker a deadline in October 2006 to agree to the plea deal or face a trial. Hours before it expired, the federal prosecutor received a call at home from a senior justice department official, Michael Elston, chief of staff to the new deputy attorney general, Paul McNulty.

Elston asked why the case was being pushed along so rapidly and pressed for a delay. The prosecutor again saw the influence of Purdue’s lawyers at work and cut the call short. It wasn’t unusual for corporate lawyers to try to get leverage with senior justice department officials but Elston’s call, just as Purdue had its back to the wall, seemed to the then prosecutor unusually interventionist because he had shown no interest in the case before. Elston’s lawyer has since claimed that his client called Brownlee on instructions from above.

Within hours of Brownlee hanging up on Elston, Purdue accepted a plea deal admitting to criminal charges of mis-selling OxyContin with “intent to defraud or mislead”. In 2007, after a court hearing confirming the conviction, Brownlee hailed it as a “crushing defeat” for the drug maker.

But Giuliani won an important concession for Purdue. Corporations with criminal convictions are mostly barred from doing business with the federal government. If Purdue Pharma’s name was on the conviction it would probably have forced OxyContin from public health programs such as Medicaid and Medicare and the Veterans Administration health system. That in turn was likely to diminish its prescribing in the private health system.

Brownlee said he did not want to be responsible for taking OxyContin off the market and so agreed with Giuliani to target the prosecution at the parent company, Purdue Frederick. That left Purdue Pharma, cleaved out as a separate painkiller manufacturer in 1991, to continue selling the painkiller without restriction even though opioid deaths were escalating.

“I didn’t feel as a lawyer I could be in a position to bar anyone from getting OxyContin. Faced with that decision, I was just simply not prepared to take it off the market. I didn’t feel like that was my role. My role was to address prior criminal conduct. Hold them accountable. Fine them. Make sure the public knew what they did. ” said Brownlee.

Brownlee said he expected federal regulators, particularly the Food and Drug Administration, and other agencies to use the criminal conviction to look more closely at Purdue and its drug. But there was no follow-up and OxyContin went on being widely prescribed.

Purdue was fined $640m, a fraction of its total profits from OxyContin. Three Purdue executives pleaded guilty to misdemeanors and were fined a total of $34.5m between them, a reflection of their earnings from the drug.

Giuliani also won a second concession that immunized Purdue from further prosecution even though its criminal conduct continued after the period covered by the plea agreement. The prosecution covered its crimes committed up until 2001, but the mis-selling went on for years afterwards. Giuliani negotiated an agreement which immunized the company from further prosecution for its actions up to 2007 when the guilty plea was finalized in court.

Critics of the deal, such as the watchdog Public Citizen, said the company sold nearly $5bn worth of OxyContin between the two dates.

A decade later, with tens of thousands more lives claimed by the epidemic kickstarted by OxyContin, Brownlee said he does not regret his handling of the case but said he had expected other prosecutors and federal regulators to pick up the baton to rein in the spread of OxyContin.

“I think convicting the company, the fines and all of that had its impact. I guess as I sit here now, I’m a little surprised that it’s the only one of its kind. That with the nature of the abuse and the nature of the problem, that as we sit here that there’s no other out there,” he said.

PURDUE PHARMA FIRES ENTIRE SALES FORCE

As of June 20, 2018 in what is either an amazing coincidence or a look at corporate political maneuvering, just more than a week after the Sacklers and company executives were named individually in the latest Purdue Pharma opiate lawsuit, the OxyContin maker laid off its entire sales force.  This puts an end to an era for Purdue that at one point, was the top-selling opioid drug in the country, and became synonymous with the nation’s opioid crisis, while the Sacklers collected billions in profits from Oxycontin sales.

Purdue, had already laid off half of its 600 sales reps in February 2018, as part of the corporate political maneuvering to curry favor with the numerous state and federal investigation that were taking place, when it announced that it would no longer be promoting OxyContin to doctors. On July 19, 2018 six days after the State of Massachusetts filed a complaint naming the company, the founding Sackler family and the executive suite as defendants in a an opioid litigation complaint,  Purdue Pharma confirmed that they had terminated the the remaining 220 employees in its sales force.

While Purdue still manufactures Oxycontin, which accounts for more than 80 percent of the company’s, they will be shifting its focus away from the highly lucrative opiate painkiller market, according to company sources.

WHY DIDN’T THE DEA, DRUG DISTRIBUTORS AND PHARMACIES TAKE NOTICE BEFORE THE OXYCONTIN AND OPIOID CRISIS SPREAD ACROSS THE COUNTRY LIKE WILDFIRE? WAS IT BECAUSE OF THE BILLIONS IN PROFITS, QUARTERLY BONUSES AND DIVIDENDS? STOCK OPTIONS CASHED IN BY BOARDROOMS AT EVERY OPIOID BIG PHARMA COMPANY?  STAY TUNED FOR HOW “PROFITS BEFORE PATIENTS” BECAME THE NORM

(article excerpts and quotes have been taken from publicly available media sources and court records)

 

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State of New York Sues Purdue Pharma Over Oxycontin Sales and Years of Marketing Abuses

Purdue Avoided Prosecution in 2007 By Paying $600 Million Over Oxycontin Bad Marketing

Purdue Pharma Criminal Plea Agreement US Department of Justice May 10, 2007

Mark A. York (August 15, 2018)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(MASS TORT NEXUS MEDIA) The state of New York has joined in the opiate litigation being filed against Purdue Pharma claiming that Purdue misled doctors and patients about the risks and benefits of its opioids, including its multi-billion dollar per year seller OxyContin. The complaint states that Purdue continued to deceptively market its products after pleading guilty to criminal conduct in 2007 and agreeing to cease the misleading marketing per the 2015 agreement with the New York state Attorney General’s Office.

“Our investigation found a pattern of deception and reckless disregard for New Yorkers’ health and well-being — as Purdue lined its own pockets by deliberately exploiting our communities and fueling an opioid epidemic that’s destroyed families across the state,” New York state Attorney Gen. Barbara Underwood said in a statement. “We’re now holding Purdue to account for this reprehensible and illegal conduct.

According to the complaint filed in the state supreme court in Suffolk County, this enabled privately held Purdue to boost prescriptions and profits, at the cost of lost lives and “devastation” in communities now “awash” with the painkillers

Since the beginning of May, the attorneys general of Florida, Nevada, Massachusetts, North Carolina, North Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah and Virginia have also filed lawsuits against the company.

New York City previously filed a $500 million suit  a lawsuit against pharmaceutical companies that make or distribute prescription opioids, on Tuesday the complaint was filed in New York state court, Superior Court of Manhattan, which is a break from other Opioid lawsuits filed by cities, who filed into federal court, see Mass Tort Nexus Briefcase,  OPIOID-CRISIS: MDL-2804-OPIATE-PRESCRIPTION-LITIGATION. The primary claims state that the opiate drug companies fueled the deadly epidemic now afflicting the most populous U.S. city, joining Chicago, Seattle, Milwaukee and other major cities across the country in holding Big Pharma drug makers accountable for the opioid crisis. The case docket information is: City of New York v Purdue Pharma LP et al, New York State Supreme Court, New York County, No. 450133/2018.

Major US Cities Filing Suit Against Opioid Big Pharma-New York, Seattle, Chicago Join MDL 2804

Gov. Andrew Cuomo said in a statement “The opioid epidemic was manufactured by unscrupulous manufacturers and distributors who developed a $400 billion industry pumping human misery into our communities”.

The suit comes three months after Underwood first announced her intention to sue the pharma giant, joining several other states that have already targeted Purdue for its alleged role in the epidemic that saw more than 3,000 New Yorkers die of opioid overdoses in 2016. Daniel Raymond, deputy director of the Harm Reduction Coalition, said that the cities and states are forced to file suits now, after realizing initially that the opioid overdose rates “were primarily driven by prescription painkillers — they weren’t concentrated in urban areas.”

“But the recent rises in prescription overdoses, which in turn has accelerated a major increase in heroin overdoses, and particularly fentanyl, and the latter seems particularly prevalent in urban drug markets,” said Raymond, whose organization is based in New York City. “That’s certainly true in places like Ohio and Philadelphia, which are seeing a lot of fentanyl-involved overdose deaths. That doesn’t mean the problems have waned in smaller cities and rural areas, which are also seeing fentanyl, but we are seeing increasing vulnerability in major urban centers.”

The only bright spot — and it’s a dim one at that — was that the CDC found decreases in opioid overdoses in states like West Virginia, New Hampshire and Kentucky that have been leading the nation in the category.

“We hope this is a positive sign,” said Schuchat, who credited leadership, particularly in West Virginia, with taking bold steps to combat the crisis. “But we have to be cautious in the areas that have reported decreases.”

Dr. Rahul Gupta, Director of Public Health for West Virginia has been at the forefront of addressing the opioid crisis in not only West Virginia but across the country, he stated “Sometimes places that have had such high rates have no place to go” but down, she added, with West Virginia being one of the states to address the issues pro-actively in all areas.

The same affects are in New York and other major metropolitan  areas now based on the ongoing marketing abuses by Purdue Pharma and other opiate industry drug makers and distributors.

The new CDC “Vital Signs” report was released a week after Attorney General Jeff Sessions issued a “statement of interest” in support of local governments that are suing the big pharmaceutical makers and distributors, accusing them of swamping many states with prescription painkillers and turning millions of Americans into junkies.

The new CDC numbers come from analysis of emergency room data from 16 states, including some hardest hit by the plague — Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Maine, Missouri, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Mexico, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, West Virginia and Wisconsin.

Dozens of states, counties and local governments have independently sued opioid drugmakers in both state and federal courts across the country, (see OPIOID-CRISIS-BRIEFCASE-MDL-2804-OPIATE-PRESCRIPTION-LITIGATION by Mass Tort Nexus) with claims alleging all opiate drug makers, distributors and now the pharmacies engaged in fraudulent marketing to sell the powerful painkillers. They also failed to monitor and report the massive increases in opioid prescriptions flooding the US marketplace. Which has now resulted in fueling the nationwide epidemic, that’s reported to have killed over a quarter million people. The now organized approach steps up those efforts as officials sift evidence and are now holding not only the companies, but the executives and owners culpable in the designing the opioid crisis.

Purdue Pharma is facing a legal assault on many fronts, as cities, counties and states have either filed suit or are probing the company for an alleged role in the United States’ opioid and addiction epidemic. Now, a lawsuit from Massachusetts’ attorney general Maura Healey is the first to bring the company’s current and former execs into the mix, including the billionaire family with sole ownership of Purdue.

At a news conference this week, Healey said she’s filing suit against the drugmaker, plus current and former executives and board members, “for their role in creating and profiting from this epidemic that has killed so many.” The suit alleges Purdue downplayed risks and overstated benefits of opioid painkillers, including OxyContin. It seeks to link the deaths of 670 Massachusetts residents to actions at the company.

A Purdue spokesman said the company shares concern about the opioid crisis. Purdue is “disappointed, however, that in the midst of good faith negotiations with many states, the Commonwealth has decided to pursue a costly and protracted litigation process,” he said.

Purdue is no stranger to litigation, in 2007 Purdue agreed to pay $19.5million in civil penalties, but did not admit wrongdoing, to settle lawsuits with 26 states – including Massachusetts – and the District of Columbia after being accused of aggressively marketing OxyContin to doctors while downplaying the risk of addiction. This is a consistent pattern, including the 2007 criminal indictment and plea of senior Purdue Pharma executives, where they agreed to pay over $600 million and plead guilty to a greatly reduced charge of “mislabelling drugs” which seems to have set the stage for the Purdue legal strategy of throwing money at all claim of abuse, thereby setting the Purdue Pharma marketing model loose on the US consumers and the healthcare industry, see USA vs. Purdue Criminal Plea “Oxycontin” usdc.virginia.gov/OPINIONS July 2007

In a statement, Purdue said it “vigorously” denies the allegations laid out in the state’s suit.

“The state claims Purdue acted improperly by communicating with prescribers about scientific and medical information that FDA has expressly considered and continues to approve. We believe it is inappropriate for the state to substitute its judgment for the judgment of the regulatory, scientific and medical experts at FDA,” the statement reads

In a statement, Purdue denied New York’s allegations but said it shared the state’s concerns about the “opioid crisis.”

The Stamford, Connecticut-based company said the U.S. Food and Drug Administration “continues to approve” of scientific and medical information it has provided to doctors.

New York is seeking to impose civil fines, recoup profits and obtain other damages, including for creating an alleged “criminal nuisance.”

Purdue sold $1.74 billion of OxyContin in 2017, according to Symphony Health Solutions.

Opioid makers and distributors face hundreds of lawsuits by U.S. states, counties and cities accusing them of using deceptive marketing to sell the painkillers.

New York joined at least 26 other U.S. states and Puerto Rico in filing lawsuits against Purdue Pharma over opioids and there is a 41-state coalition investigating the opioid industry.

Opioids, including prescription painkillers and heroin, played a role in a record 42,249 U.S. deaths in 2016, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

This included at least 3,086 deaths in New York state and more than 1,100 in New York City.

In 2007, Purdue and three executives pleaded guilty to mis-branding OxyContin and agreed to pay $634.5 million to resolve a U.S. Department of Justice investigation, in the US District Court of Virginia, see Purdue Pharma Criminal Plea Agreement US Department of Justice May 10, 2007.

As Purdue Pharma comes to grips with the fact that they are being designated as the primary litigation targets of states, counties and cities across the country for being the Opiate Big Pharma leader in creating the current opioid crisis in the United States, they may need to determine how they will pay the billions of dollars in jury verdicts and affiliated legal settlements resulting from the lawsuits that now number close to one thousand in state and federal courts.

 

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Opioid Addiction In 2016: Employer Costs Pass $2.6 Billion Per Year With 50% Used to Cover Children

Employer Costs Pass $2.6 Billion Per Year With 50% Used to Cover Children

By Mark A. York (August 3, 2018)

  • Employers spent $2.6 billion on opioid addiction in 2016

  • $1.5 billion+ was spent on children with opiate addiction issues

(MASS TORT NEXUS MEDIA) The now commonly known costs associated with employers treating opioid addiction and the affiliated issues have increased eight hundred percent  since 2004 to an eye-watering $2.6 billion in 2016, a new report reveals.

The latest analysis shows that half of the cost was spent covering employees’ children.

A recent Kaiser Family Foundation report found that prescription use of addictive painkillers among people with employer offered health coverage is now at the lowest levels in 10 years.

This comes shortly after a CDC study revealed there was been a nearly 30 percent increase in overdoses between 2015 and 2016.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, opioids killed more than 42,000 people in 2016, more than any year on record.

With 40 percent of those deaths involving a prescription opioid such as Oxycontin and Vicodin and other widely prescribed opiates. This has also resulted in the multi-billion lawsuits filed against Opioid Big Pharma drug makers and distributors by cities, counties and states across the country, see Mass Tort Nexus Briefcase “Opioid Litigation Versus Opiate Prescription Industry MDL 2804, US District Court of Ohio” with the drug makers and distributors scrambling to defend the opiate marketing strategies that have caused billions and billions of dollars in costs, medical damages and loss of productivity annually in the United States.  

The Kaiser Family Foundation found that the $2.6 billion spending cost companies and workers about $26 per enrollee in 2016, which now appears to be a “man-made” healthcare cost increase associated with the widely accepted Opiate Big Pharma marketing practices over the last 20 years. This include telling doctors and the healthcare industry that “opiates are not as addictive as they used to be” and “we’ve altered the drug compound to control opiate release” which was the widely used Purdue Pharma marketing strategy.

Employers have been limiting insurance coverage of opioids because of concerns about addiction. The report found that spending on opioid prescriptions falling 27 percent from a peak in 2009 – when 17.3 percent of large employer plan enrollees had at least one opioid prescription during that year.  However, by 2016, that number dropped to 13.6 percent.

These drugs relieve pain by attaching to specific proteins called opioid receptors, which are found on nerve cells in the brain, spinal cord, gastrointestinal tract, and other organs in the body. When they attach to these receptors, they reduce the perception of pain.

RESIDUAL ISSUE OF FOSTER CARE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

OPIOID USE DISORDER IN PREGNANT WOMEN:

  • “Treating Women Who Are Pregnant and Parenting for Opioid Use Disorder and the Concurrent Care of Their Infants and Children: Literature Review to Support National Guidance.  https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/28406856
  • [STUDY OBJECTIVES:The prevalence of opioid use disorder (OUD) during pregnancy is increasing. Practical recommendations will help providers treat pregnant women with OUD and reduce potentially negative health consequences for mother, fetus, and child. This article summarizes the literature review conducted using the RAND/University of California, Los Angeles Appropriateness Method project completed by the US Department of Health and Human Services Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration to obtain current evidence on treatment approaches for pregnant and parenting women with OUD and their infants and children]

Prescription opioids and illicit drugs have become incredibly pervasive throughout the US, and things are only getting worse.

In the early 2000s, the FDA and CDC started to notice a steady increase in cases of opioid addiction and overdose. In 2013, they issued guidelines to curb addiction.

However, that same year – now regarded as the year the epidemic took hold – a CDC report revealed an unprecedented surge in rates of opioid addiction.

Overdose deaths are now the leading cause of death among young Americans – killing more in a year than were ever killed annually by HIV, gun violence or car crashes.

Preliminary CDC data published by the New York Times shows US drug overdose deaths surged 19 percent to at least 59,000 in 2016.

That is up from 52,404 in 2015, and double the death rate a decade ago.

It means that for the first time drug overdoses are the leading cause of death for Americans under 50 years old.

The data lays bare the bleak state of America’s opioid addiction crisis fueled by deadly manufactured drugs like fentanyl.

These drugs also effect the brain regions involved in reward, so it can also produce a sense of pleasure by triggering the same processes that make people feel good when they are having fun or sex.

Experts say many people’s first contact with opioids is through some form of social contact: either a friend who was sent home with Oxycontin after a surgical procedure or a relative who received an opioid prescription for chronic pain.

‘Opioids are not infectious in terms of [being] an agent,’ Columbia University epidemiologist Dr Guohua Li previously told Daily Mail Online.

‘Opioids, are not a bacteria virus, but the drug, in this case, spreads through social networks…even in some ways a virus, like HIV, is spread to a great degree through social networks,’ he added.

Due to the link between hospitals and the opioid crisis, doctors have been coming up with innovative ways to curb the epidemic.

However, hospitals have been doing their part in trying to curb the opioid epidemic.

For instance, the ER department at St. Joseph University Medical Center in New Jersey managed to halve the rate of opioid prescriptions by using dry needles and laughing gas to treat chronic pain.

In 2016, the department launched an Alternative to Opiates program that uses trigger point injections and a local anesthetics in lieu of opioids to relieve pain. Other alternative pain relieving methods they used was warm compressors and  music – they have a harpist roam the halls playing tunes to soothe the patients.

Dr Mark Rosenberg, chair of emergency medicine, said he and his colleagues founded the program after they realized chronic pain was one of the reasons most patients came to their emergency department.

‘We wanted to develop an aggressive acute pain management program that focused on evidence based principles but avoided opioids,’ Dr Rosenberg said.

St. Joseph University Medical Center isn’t the only hospital to implement this program, Kaiser Permanente has implemented an Integrated Pain Service, an eight-week course designed to educate high-risk opioid patients about pain management.

Some experts have stated that  the beginning of the end of the epidemic may be near due to tightened regulations on opioid prescription monitoring, local-level efforts to make naloxone, an anti-overdose drug, and drug-assisted rehabilitation more accessible to high-risk populations. Then there are many more “experts” who state that the opioid crisis and the future affiliated issues are going to be on the healthcare, insurance and socio-economic forefront of America for at least the next generation.

Broken Families, Less Funding

The patterns of parent addiction that overflows into child addiction is something that wasn’t part of the opiate equation until fairly recently, where employer issues now mirror a national trend of multiple generations being addicted to opiates. Largely because of the opioid epidemic, there were 30,000 more children in foster care in 2015 than there were in 2012—an 8 percent increase. In 14 states, from New Hampshire to North Dakota, the number of foster kids rose by more than a quarter between 2011 and 2015, according to data amassed by the Annie E. Casey Foundation. In Texas, Florida, Oregon, and elsewhere, kids have been forced to sleep in state buildings because there were no foster homes available, says advocacy group Children’s Rights. Federal child welfare money has been dwindling for years, leaving state and local funding to fill in the gaps. But Ashtabula County is one of the poorest counties in Ohio, and despite a recent boost in funding, the state contributes the lowest share toward children’s services of any state in the country. 

In the USA, Opioid use by women in rural areas is driving the increasing numbers. Tennessee is part of a cluster of states, including Alabama and Kentucky, experiencing some of the highest rates of NAS births. In East Tennessee the problem is particularly acute: Sullivan County alone reported a rate of 50.5 cases of NAS per 1,000 births, the highest rate in the state for five years running.

Tennessee is currently the only state in the country that equates substance abuse while pregnant with aggravated assault, punishable by a 15-year prison sentence. Eighteen other states consider it to be child abuse, and three say its grounds for civil commitment. Four states require drug testing of mothers and 18 require that healthcare professionals report when drug abuse is suspected. There are also 19 states that have created funding for targeted drug treatment programs for pregnant women.

Opponents of the punishment philosophy claim that punishing addicted pregnant women will not stop them from abusing drugs – instead it will stop them from seeking prenatal care. Many also claim that these policies would unfairly punish mothers for drug use compared to fathers. Organizations, such as the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and the American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), have encouraged a treatment over punishment approach for pregnant mothers with drug addictions

Local efforts are now seen as the primary way to address the opioid crisis in children- the attempt to secure federal intervention and support to help curb the opioid crisis has not been a priority of the Trump Administration..

WHITE HOUSE PROMISED ON OPIOIDS BUT DIDN’T DELIVER

But since he took office, Trump’s plans to tackle the epidemic head-on have fizzled. Republicans’ recent effort to repeal and replace Obamacare would slash funding for Medicaid, which is the country’s largest payer for addiction services—and which covers nearly half of Ohio’s prescriptions for the opioid addiction medication buprenorphine. The bill would enable insurers in some states to get out of the Obamacare requirement to cover substance abuse treatment. A memo leaked in May revealed Trump’s plans to effectively eliminate the White House’s drug policy office, cutting its budget by 95 percent. (The administration has since backpedaled on the plans, following bipartisan criticism.) Trump’s 2018 budget proposes substantial cuts to the Administration for Children and Families, the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, and the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program.

Until the governments at the federal, state and local levels can all agree on a long term viable solution to the opioid crisis and the impact on school age children, infants born addicted and society as a whole, the opiate drug crisis will linger for generations long into the future.

 

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THE OPIOID CRISIS AND URBAN AMERICA: “NOW FIRMLY A PART OF BIG CITY LIFE”

“THE OPIOID CRISIS IS NOW PART OF URBAN AMERICA AND BIG CITY LIFE”

Mark A. York (July 12, 2018)

Trash left by drug users under bridge in Philadelphia.  (Washington Post image)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(MASS TORT NEXUS MEDIA) According to sources at all levels from police and fire first responders to emergency room physicians across the country and analysts at the CDC, there’s been no slowdown in opiate based medical emergencies in the US over the last 2 years. Emergency response and ER visits for opioid overdoses went way up, with a 30 percent increase in the single year period of June of 2016 to June of 2017, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.  This is now much more common in big city and urban areas of the country that it was just four years ago.

Center for Disease Control’s Acting Director Dr. Anne Schuchat said overall the most dramatic increases were in the Midwest, where emergency visits went up 70 percent in all ages over 25. The affected populations and demographics are comparative to prior medical crisis deaths during historical healthcare pandemics when a disase struck across entire populations, while sparing no particular class of society.

See OPIOID-CRISIS-BRIEFCASE-INCLUDING-MDL-2804-OPIATE-PRESCRIPTION-LITIGATION

WHY THE HUGE INCREASE IN THE MIDWEST?

ER visits for opioid-related emergencies more than doubled in two states. Wisconsin saw the biggest increase, 109 percent and Delaware saw a 105 percent increase. In Pennsylvania, ER visits were up 81 percent.

“We’re seeing the highest ever death rates in the US,” Schuchat said. She pointed to national statistics that out of 63,000 overdose deaths in 2016, 42,000 of them involved opioids.

https://www.drugabuse.gov/related-topics/trends-statistics/overdose-death-rates

“[This] means 115 people die each day from opioid overdose,” she said. This number has been at or above 100 for most of the last 3 years, with no end in sight and with so many different regions affected it may require more grassroots focus and demands made to elected officials to move faster on a long term solution.

There were some decreases reported in the East, with the largest being a 15 percent reduction in Kentucky, which could reflect fluctuation in drug supplies or interventions.

However, hospital visits in cities of all types increased steadily in each quarter by 51 percent. Schuchat emphasized, “Bottom line — no area of the US is exempt from this epidemic.” Looking closer at causation and access to opiates across the country is required. How are unlimited numbers of federally controlled substances still so readily accessible to so many?

US Surgeon General James Adams was also present during the briefing and mentioned how he witnessed first-hand his own young brother’s struggle with opioid addiction.

“Science is clear: Addiction is a chronic disease and not a moral failing,” the doctor said. Adams outlined that a coordinated effort is necessary to prevent opioid addiction. “To successfully combat this epidemic, everyone must play a role,” he noted.

The Surgeon General explained how health departments, along with public safety and law enforcement officials, have to work together to deal with local opioid-related emergencies.

He stressed the need to make naloxone, a life-saving drug that can reverse the effects of an overdose, more accessible in emergency situations.

URBAN AMERICA AND OPIODS

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The CDC data shows trends in opioid overdose emergency room

In late 2016 through current medical data from the CDC and hospitals across the country, the opioid epidemic is fast becoming a big city problem.

There was a 54 percent increase in overdoses from July 2016 through September 2017 in the major metro areas of 16 states surveyed by the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention — a chunk of the country that includes Chicago, Philadelphia, Milwaukee, Cleveland and Columbus, Ohio.

Nationwide, the scourge that President Donald Trump has vowed to defeat shows no sign of abating, with a 30 percent increase in opioid overdoses reported during that same period, the data released Tuesday shows.

Drug Overdose Death Rates in the U.S. Are Rising Everywhere, CDC Says

Anne Schuchat, the CDC’s acting director, said the grim new arithmetic, which came from emergency room statistics, confirmed some suspicions. “We’re currently seeing the highest drug overdose death rates ever recorded in the United States,” Schuchat said in a Q&A session with reporters. Asked specifically about the rise in urban opioid overdoses, Schuchat said health officials suspect a “change in the toxicity” of drugs on the street.

Major US Cities Filing Suit Against Opioid Big Pharma-New York, Seattle, Chicago Join MDL 2804

Urban heroin dealers have been boosting profits by cutting their drugs with fentanyl, which is 25 to 50 times more powerful. That combination was why Columbus was averaging one fatal overdose per day in the first half of last year.

“The issue of cutting heroin with fentanyl is a very major problem right now,” Schuchat said. “What you are seeing in Columbus is for sure occurring in other

Daniel Raymond, deputy director of the Harm Reduction Coalition, said that initially the opioid overdose rates “were primarily driven by prescription painkillers — they weren’t concentrated in urban areas.”

“But the recent rises are mostly driven by heroin, and particularly fentanyl, and the latter seems particularly prevalent in urban drug markets,” said Raymond, whose organization is based in New York City. “That’s certainly true in places like Ohio and Philadelphia, which are seeing a lot of fentanyl-involved overdose deaths. That doesn’t mean the problems have waned in smaller cities and rural areas, which are also seeing fentanyl, but we are seeing increasing vulnerability in major urban centers.”

The only bright spot — and it’s a dim one at that — was that the CDC found decreases in opioid overdoses in states like West Virginia, New Hampshire and Kentucky that have been leading the nation in the category.

“We hope this is a positive sign,” said Schuchat, who credited leadership, particularly in West Virginia, with taking bold steps to combat the crisis. “But we have to be cautious in the areas that have reported decreases.” Dr. Rahul Gupta, Director of Public Health for West Virginia has been at the forefront of addressing the opioid crisis in not only West Virginia but across the country. Dr. Gupta will be the keynote speaker at the Mass Tort Nexus National “Opioid Crisis Summit, July 20-22, 2018 in Fort Lauderdale, FL where he will be joining other prominent national healthcare and legal speakers on providing solutions to the opioid crisis, see www.opioidcrisissummit.com for attendance information.

“Sometimes places that have had such high rates have no place to go” but down, she added, with West Virginia being one of the states to address the issues pro-actively in all  areas.

The new CDC “Vital Signs” report was released a week after Attorney General Jeff Sessions issued a “statement of interest” in support of local governments that are suing the big pharmaceutical makers and distributors, accusing them of swamping many states with prescription painkillers and turning millions of Americans into junkies.

The new CDC numbers come from analysis of emergency room data from 16 states, including some hardest hit by the plague — Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Maine, Missouri, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Mexico, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, West Virginia and Wisconsin.

The CDC Research Shows:

  • Emergency rooms in half of the states surveyed reported “substantial” increases in opioid overdoses, with mammoth jumps in Wisconsin (109 percent), Delaware (105 percent), Illinois (66 percent), Indiana (35 percent), Maine (34 percent) and North Carolina (31 percent).
  • The Midwest, in particular, saw a 70 percent increase in opioid overdoses.
  • The only state with a “statistically significant decrease” was Kentucky (15 percent). “The decrease in Kentucky may reflect some fluctuations in drug supply,” Schuchat said.
  • “Nonsignificant” decreases of 10 percent or less were reported in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and West Virginia.
  • The highest rate of increases were in large metro areas, which the CDC defines as a population of 1 million or more “and covering a major city.”
  • Every demographic group saw a substantial increase in overdose rates, including men (30 percent), women (24 percent), people ages 25 to 34 (31 percent), 35 to 54 (36 percent), and 55 or older (32 percent).

Is Fentanyl The New Crack Cocaine?

https://www.drugabuse.gov/publications/drugfacts/fentanyl

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention issued a Health Alert Network warning about the increased supply of the illicit drugs, which are many times stronger than fentanyl, the prescription painkiller.

“The dramatic rise in the supply of illicitly manufactured fentanyl and fentanyl analogs has been mirrored by an equally dramatic rise in deaths involving synthetic opioids other than methadone, a category which includes fentanyl and fentanyl analogs,” the CDC said in its alert.

Death rates doubled between 2015 and 2016, the CDC said. “More than 55 percent of opioid overdose deaths occurring nationally in the 12 months ending November 2017 involved synthetic opioids, accounting for more than 27,000 overdose deaths,” the CDC said in the health alert, citing preliminary numbers.

That’s up from 20,000 overdose deaths from synthetic opioids in 2016.

Other illicit synthetic opioids include furanylfentanyl and acrylfentanyl. “Finally, drug submissions testing positive for a synthetic illicit opioid known as U-47700, first encountered by the DEA in 2016, increased from 533 submissions in 2016 to 1,087 during January–June, 2017,” the CDC said in the alert, referring to the Drug Enforcement Administration.

What Is Fentanyl?

Fact Sheet: Fentanyl-Laced Heroin and Cocaine (fentanyl-analogues)

  • Fentanyl, a schedule II prescription narcotic analgesic, is roughly 50-80 times more potent than morphine. This medication is used to manage both pain during surgery and chronic moderate to severe pain for persons who already are physically tolerant to opiates. • However, fentanyl also can be produced in clandestine laboratories in powder form and mixed with or substituted for heroin.

“Ohio alone reported more than 1,700 opioid overdose deaths testing positive for fentanyl analogs during July 2016–June 2017, with more than 1,100 of those deaths involving carfentanil.”

Emergency responders and physicians may not know that people overdosing on the synthetics may need extra care, the CDC said.

Fentanyl and Fentanyl Analogs Defined

For updated information on the opioid crisis and MDL 2804 (Opiate Prescription Litigation USDC Northern District of Ohio, Judge Daniel Polster) subscribe to www.masstortnexus.com/news

 

 

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INDIVIDUAL CLAIMS = INFANT “NAS”, RICO, WRONGFUL DEATH, NEGLIGENCE AND MORE…

Individual Opioid Injury Claim Types

 

A MASS TORT NEXUS OVERVIEW:

by John Ray

A great deal of media attention has focused on lawsuits filed by States, Counties and Cities against the manufacturers of opioids, yet less attention has been given to viable individual opioid patient claims against these same companies. This article is the second in a series published by Mass Tort Nexus to have you gain a better understanding of the vast number of opioid claims, which may be filed on behalf of individual victims of the opioid crisis. Please also read the first article in the series (link to the first article).

This article is intended to cover the major categories or types of potential opioid individual claims based on injury or adverse event type.

  1. Overdose resulting in death

  2. Overdose without death

  3. Opioid Addiction

  4. Neonatal Abstinence Syndrome

  5. Birth Defects

  6. Heart attack

Attend the July 20-22, 2018 Mass Tort Nexus Opioid Crisis Summit to learn more about what your firm can do to help individual victims of the opioid epidemic.

In addition to providing information related to the types of claims that may be brought against the opioid defendants on behalf of individual plaintiffs, you will also receive information related to marketing to obtain these clients, as well as vital information related to the complex issues related to qualifying clients for each category of opioid injury.

To register for the Opioid Summit contact Jenny Levine at 954-530-9892 or email at jenny@masstortnexus.com. You may also register online at  https://www.opioidcrisissummit.com

Opioid Litigation Individual Claims

Given the publicity surrounding the opioid crisis gripping our nation, most of the country is aware that opioid addiction and overdose risk is far greater than the opioid litigation defendants, their Key Opinion Leaders and Front Groups led us to believe.

The researchers at Mass Tort Nexus estimate that there are approximately 250,000 individuals and families with viable claims against the opioid litigation defendants; however, yet few firms have engaged in an effort to retain these clients and provide the legal representation they desperately need and deserve. This fact is somewhat astounding given that many of these potential plaintiffs have been represented by your personal injury firm in the past.

Overdose Resulting in Death

  When an individual, often a juvenile, dies from an opioid overdose, family members are left behind to suffer the pain and costs.

Significant evidence exists to demonstrate that the opioid manufacturers negligently and wantonly deceived doctors and the public about the risks associated with opioids. They continued to do so, even after it was apparent that their deceptions were resulting in loss of life and other severe injuries caused by their products.

The potential number of wrongful death claims which could be brought against the opioid defendants, could exceed the total number of wrongful death claims brought for any other reason over the next decade.

 Overdose Deaths Soared as Big Pharma Reaped the Profits

According to the National Institute for Drug Abuse revised report from March 2018, despite the efforts to stem the opioid crisis, 115 people in the United States die from an Opioid overdose every day.

Overdose deaths, once rare, are now the leading cause of accidental death in the U.S., surpassing peak annual deaths caused by motor vehicle accidents, guns and HIV infection.

More Americans died from drug overdoses in 2016 than the number of American lives lost in the entirety of the Vietnam War, which totaled 58,200.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Prescription opioid deaths account for the majority of the increase in overdose deaths since 1999. It is no coincidence that the astounding increase in drug over dose statics beginning in 1999 coincides with the opioid manufactures campaign (beginning in the late 1990s) to convince doctors, based on false information, that past concerns related to opioids were unwarranted.

The opioid manufacturers are accused of using big tobacco style techniques to increase the consumption (and their profits) from increased sales of opioids. The manufacturers are accused of taking a page from the big tobacco play book, using front groups and key opinion leaders in the health field to promote the narrative that the risk associated with opioids was not significant.  The false narrative promoted by the opioid manufacturers has been unveiled at the cost of an enormous loss of human life and suffering.

The link between the success of the opioid manufacturers deceptions, and the devasting effects caused by their fraudulent acts can be seen in a single chart. As the opioid manufacturers made billions of dollars, individual patients relying on these companies paid the price.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Overdose Without Death

Opioid overdose deaths are devasting to the family of the victim. Opioid overdoses that do not result in death can be equally or even more devasting.

Victims of opioid overdoses often suffer brain damage, heart damage and other adverse events that will impact their lives and their families permanently.

In many cases, the financial and other damages caused by an overdose not resulting in death will exceed those of overdose cases resulting in death.

Opioid Addiction

Despite the opioid litigation defendants attempts to blame the victims and their doctors, the blame for the meteoric rise in opioid addiction coincided with the opioid manufacturers fraudulent practices designed to deceive doctors and the public about the risk of opioid use.

According to the CDC, by 2016 2.1 million Americans suffered from opioid addiction (opioid use disorder) and 2.1 million more Americans received their first opioid prescription in the same year, guaranteeing the continuation of the Country’s opioid addiction epidemic.

 

Not every opioid addict will have a viable claim for damages against the opioid manufacturers.

Qualifying opioid addiction clients is complex. Attend the Mass Tort Nexus July 20 -22

Opioid Crisis Summit to learn more about qualifying clients with viable opioid addiction claims.

Neonatal Abstinence Syndrome

 By 2012, the National Institute for Health had recognized a dramatic increase in Neonatal Abstinence Syndrome (NAS) and the number of babies born with NAS has continued to increase since that time.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

NAS occurs when a mother ingests opioids during pregnancy. Despite the risks associated with NAS and opioids, the opioid manufacturers are accused of aggressively promoting the use of opioids for pain commonly associated with pregnancy.

In addition to damage to the fetus before birth, opioid consumption during pregnancy often results in the infant being born addicted to opioids. The long term impact of NAS, often results in consequences that will plague the infant for the remainder of their lives.

Impaired cognitive abilities, severe behavioral issues, as well as an increased susceptibility to opioid use and addiction later in life are among a long list of complications associated with NAS.

Babies born with NAS and opioid related birth defects will often suffer from the day they are born until the day they die. The opioid defendant’s actions leading to the harm of infants should be a great source of shame for the opioid defendants; however, at this point, it appears that the opioid defendants have no shame.  They continue to blame others for what is clearly their fault.

Birth Defects

There is significant support in the medical literature demonstrating opioids cause numerous severe birth defects.

One of the types of birth defects potentially caused by maternal opioid use is Tetralogy of Fallot.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Tetraolgy of Fallot is a heart defect that presents with some or all of the following defects in the infants heart: Overriding Aorta, Pulmonary Stenosis, Ventricular Septal Defect and Right Ventrial Hypertrophy.

Any of the defects associated with Tetraolgy of Fallot can result in infant death or the need for multiple cardiac surgeries and a permeant decrease in quality of life.

Neural Tube Defects may also be caused by maternal opioid use. Neural Tube Defects include Spina Bifida, Anencephaly and Encephalocele. Any of these birth defects can result in infant death, the need for multiple corrective surgeries over numerous years, as well as a permanent decrease in quality of life.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The above is only a partial list of birth defects which are associated with maternal opioid use. Given the increase in clinical interest and study surrounding opioid use, we expect to see additions to the medical literature demonstrating a large number of opioid associated birth defects, in the near future.

HEART ATTACK

      There is overwhelming support in the medical literature demonstrating an increased incident of heart attack and other coronary issues associated with opioid use.

Cardiac damage and heart attack are common secondary issues related to opioid overdose; however, these adverse events appear to occur at a high rate in all opioid users without regard to the occurrence of an overdose.  The increased risk appears to exist for patients that are predisposed to cardiac problems, as well as those who are not.

The conditions and adverse events associated with opioid use covered in this article do not include all the medical issues associated with opioid use.

Attend the July Mass Tort Nexus Opioid summit for a more through understanding of the medical conditions which may give rise to viable individual claims against the opioid defendants.

To register for the Opioid Summit contact Jenny Levine at 954-530-9892 or by email at jenny@masstortnexus.com.

You can also register online at https://www.opioidcrisissummit.com

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New York And Other State Court Opioid Litigation Moves Forward Along With Federal Opiate Rx MDL 2804

“LAWSUIT FLOOD VERSUS ENTIRE OPIOID INDUSTRY IS GETTING BIG PHARMA’S ATTENTION”

By Mark A. York (June 11, 2018)

 

 

 

 

 

 

Opioid litigation in New York and other state courts, where hundreds of counties and cities have filed lawsuits against opioid manufacturers and distributors,  are now moving forward even with the explosion in the Federal Opiate Litigation MDL 2804 OPIOID-CRISIS-BRIEFCASE -MDL-2804-OPIATE-PRESCRIPTION-LITIGATION, where more than 500 states, counties, cities as well as unions, hospitals and individuals have filed lawsuits against the opioid industry as a whole.

At one point, the opiate industry attempted to raise arguments stating that the Food and Drug Administration hasn’t yet determined whether narcotic painkillers are unnecessarily dangerous – a central question in any litigation, which was quickly denied and seems to show that Opiate Big Pharma is once again attempting to hide behind the FDA shield.

In a two-page order issued in March by Judge Jerry Garguilo of the Suffolk County Supreme Court, New York where he ruled that there is “no compelling reason to impose a stay of proceedings” until the FDA completes its own review of the benefits and risks of opioids. The lawsuits by most of the counties in New York, which have been consolidated in Garguilo’s court, are “backward-looking” toward allegedly fraudulent marketing materials and tactics the drug companies used to convince doctors and patients their products had low risk of addiction.

In another state court, the first of many opioid litigation trials to be scheduled is now set in Oklahoma, where Cleveland County District Judge Thad Balkman set May 28, 2019 for the start of the trial. ate has been set for a lawsuit by a state against pharmaceutical companies over the opioid epidemic, according to Oklahoma‘s attorney general. See Original Complaint – State of Oklahoma vs. Purdue Pharma et al, June 30, 2017 (Cleveland County, OK District Court)

Oklahoma, one of at least 20 states besides New York that have opioid lawsuit dockets against drugmakers, alleges fraudulent marketing of drugs that fueled the opioid epidemic in the lawsuit filed in June 2017, and seeks unspecified damages from Purdue Pharma, Allergan, Janssen Pharmaceuticals, Teva Pharmaceuticals and several of their subsidiaries.

The New York state court lawsuits are joined by another somewhat unique group of plaintiffs in the legal battle over the opioid-epidemic with class actions filed by consumers who claim they’re seeing skyrocketing health insurance costs as a result of the crisis.

The suits, filed in New York and four other states, were brought by individual persons against opioid manufacturers and distributors, and are among the few class actions filed against drug makers and marketers. The vast majority of cases have been separate actions brought by government entities like cities and counties.

The plaintiffs in this new wave of cases have filed across the country in federal courts in  USDC SD New York (Complaint) , a New Jersey Complaint,  a Massachusetts Complaint, an Illinois Complaint as well as a California Complaint  where they’ve filed lawsuits on behalf of those who paid increased health insurance costs–including higher premiums, deductibles and co-payments–because of effects attributable to the opioid epidemic.

The proposed classes include businesses and individuals who paid for health insurance as part of employer-sponsored plans.

“We don’t know anyone who in the litigation is addressing the private sector harms to consumers and businesses from increased premiums and other insurance costs that flow to anyone in the health insurance market as a result of the fact that insurers are paying more for addictions,” said Travis Lenkner, one of the plaintiffs attorneys filing the cases.

The opioid cases add a new type of plaintiff into the wide-reaching opioid litigation, which have also includes states, Native American tribes, pension funds and hospitals.

John Parker, senior vice president of the Healthcare Distribution Alliance, speaking on behalf of distributors AmerisourceBergen Drug Corp., Cardinal Health Inc. and McKesson Corp., all named as defendants, called the opioid epidemic a “complex public health challenge.”

“Given our role, the idea that distributors are responsible for the number of opioid prescriptions written defies common sense and lacks understanding of how the pharmaceutical supply chain actually works and is regulated,” he said in a statement. “Those bringing lawsuits would be better served addressing the root causes, rather than trying to redirect blame through litigation.”

Purdue Pharma spokesman Bob Josephson noted that his company’s products account for less than 2 percent of all opioid prescriptions. Johnson & Johnson’s Janssen Pharmaceuticals defended the labels on its prescription opioids and called the allegations “baseless and unsubstantiated.”

Representatives of the other manufacturing defendants, which include Endo Health Solutions, Teva Pharmaceutical Industries and Insys Therapeutics Inc., did not respond to requests for comment.

It is now fairly common knowledge in the legal world that there is more than enough data that links increased health insurance costs to the opioid epidemic as well as the overall catastrophic impact of the flood of opioids into the America marketplace.

The suits cite statistics. In California, for instance, health insurance premiums for family coverage increased 233.5 percent from 2002 to 2016. Monthly premiums for the plaintiff in that case, Jordan Chu, jumped from $160.52 in 2016 to $240.76 this year. New Jersey residents with private health insurance spent $5,081 in insurance premiums in 2014, up from $2,454 in 2001. And an average family plan in New York with annual costs of $9,439 in 2003 had jumped to $19,375 in 2016.

Plaintiff counsel stated that they will be filing suits in more states and fight any attempts to transfer these cases to the Northern District of Ohio, where U.S. District Judge Dan Polster is overseeing the opioid multidistrict litigation, MDL 2804, even though the cases were filed in federal courts. A damaging discovery win for the plaintiffs was the order of May 18, 2018, see DEA ARCOS Database Access Order May 8, 2018 MDL 2804, where Judge Polster ordered the DEA to turn over distribution data for all 50 states based on the revelations in a prior DEA related order where the Opioid Drug distribution data provided very solid information on all the parties involved in creating the opioid crisis over the last 15 years.

The New York court docket parallels the federal and many other opioid based complaints, filed in state courts across the country where parties have decided to pursue their claims in their state courts versus the federal docket. These filings in both state and federal courts, will only increases the pressure on manufacturers and wholesalers to either win dismissal of these cases or prepare for an accelerated trial schedule.

There are currently more than 500 of the nation’s 3,200 counties have sued and plaintiff lawyers hope to soon get that number to 1,500, which some lawyers consider critical mass for a settlement.

The defendant companies argue they can’t be held liable for selling a legal product sold only with a doctor’s prescription whose distribution was controlled and overseen, from manufacturing to retail sales, by federal and state regulators.

The plaintiffs argue manufacturers used a variety of tactics, including misleading marketing materials and highly paid physician-influencers, to convince prescribing physicians their products were safe for treating chronic pain when, in fact, they were highly addictive.

In the March order, Judge Garguilo rejected the defendants’ claim that the FDA has exclusive authority to determine whether, in effect, opioids should be sold for anything other than relieving the pain of terminal illness. Regardless of what the FDA determines, the judge said, the municipal plaintiffs have the right to seek redress for their costs associated with addiction.

“Because the focus of this lawsuit is on the state of scientific knowledge that existed when the defendants made their marketing claims, there is no risk of inconsistent rulings, and none of the current studies will have any bearing on whether the defendants’ representations were misleading when made,” the judge wrote. The court isn’t being asked to decide the risks and benefits of opioids but whether the defendants misrepresented those risks and benefits, he added.

In case the defendants didn’t grasp the judge’s ultimate goal, the judge restated his “previously expressed desire” for a “prompt resolution of this matter.” The federal judge overseeing multidistrict litigation in Ohio, Judge Dan Aaron Polster, has similarly urged defendants to engage in settlement talks, although a global resolution of the litigation could prove difficult to negotiate.

In addition to hundreds of cases consolidated in federal court, the defendants face a wave of litigation in state court, like the New York cases, as well as lawsuits and investigations by state attorneys general and the federal government. Any settlement would have to protect the defendant companies from future lawsuits over the same issue and that may be difficult to negotiate given all the concurrent litigation in different courts. The time has now arrived for Opioid Big Pharma, in all forms to face the facts that for close to 20 years they have flooded the mainstream commerce of America with massive amounts of opiates with little to no oversight, which whether caused by a catastrophic systemic failure on many levels, or simple greed, the time has now come for the opiate industry to face the music of complex litigation in state and federal court venues across the country.

For those looking to tap into the opioid litigation or learn what the current status is in both state and federal court opioid litigation, please visit www.opioidcrisissummit.com where Mass Tort Nexus is hosting national political leaders and lead opiate counsel who are active in the day to day opioid crisis and have the most up to date case information during the two day event taking place July 21-22, 2018 in Fort Lauderdale.

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HOW CAN WE SOLVE THE OPIOID CRISIS STARTING NOW? With An Opioid Crisis Summit Like No Other

A Definitive Opioid Crisis Solutions Event

By Mark A. York (May 29, 2018)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(MASS TORT NEXUS MEDIA) It’s been called the most perilous drug crisis ever in the United States, the epicenter of the opioid epidemic, overdose deaths have quadrupled since 1999, killing more than 100 people every day. Pharmaceutical opiate pain relief is an essential clinical tool, but with physicians writing over 240 million opioid prescriptions to Americans every year, the potential for catastrophe is enormous. Now it seems to be coming into realization that the opioid crisis is here and the damage is catastrophic, gauged against the devastating impact on families and communities across the United States.  How can we get the message out that addiction is now  recognized as a medical, not a criminal problem, and new treatments are on the horizon. How do we protect the population from misusing opioids? An Opioid Crisis Summit featuring national leaders who are involved in the day to day efforts to fight this opiate crisis on all levels, including Ohio Lieutenant Governor Mary Taylor, Dr. Rahul Gupta, West Virginia Director of Public Health and others who are involved in providing real time solutions to the opiate epidemic as well as treating physicians and legal professionals who are active in offering solutions.

The Definitive Opioid Crisis Summit For All of America:

July 21-22, 2018

www.opioidcrisissummit.com

OPIOD CRISIS SUMMIT

By Mass Tort Nexus

Fort Lauderdale, FL

 How did the opioid crisis happen?

In the late 1990s, pharmaceutical companies reassured the medical community that patients would not become addicted to prescription opioid pain relievers, and healthcare providers began to prescribe them at greater rates. This subsequently led to widespread diversion and misuse of these medications before it became clear that these medications could indeed be highly addictive. Opioid overdose rates began to increase. In 2015, more than 33,000 Americans died as a result of an opioid overdose, including prescription opioids, heroin, and illicitly manufactured fentanyl, a powerful synthetic opioid.1That same year, an estimated 2 million people in the United States suffered from substance use disorders related to prescription opioid pain relievers, and 591,000 suffered from a heroin use disorder (not mutually exclusive).

 What do we know about the opioid crisis?

  • Roughly 21 to 29 percent of patients prescribed opioids for chronic pain misuse them.
  • Between 8 and 12 percent develop an opioid use disorder.
  • An estimated 4 to 6 percent who misuse prescription opioids transition to heroin.
  • About 80 percent of people who use heroin first misused prescription opioids.
  • Opioid overdoses increased 30 percent from July 2016 through September 2017 in 52 areas in 45 states.
  • The Midwestern region saw opioid overdoses increase 70 percent from July 2016 through September 2017.
  • Opioid overdoses in large cities increase by 54 percent in 16 states.

Quarterly rate of suspected opioid overdose, by US region
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

This issue has become a public health crisis with devastating consequences including increases in opioid misuse and related overdoses, as well as the rising incidence of neonatal abstinence syndrome due to opioid use and misuse during pregnancy. The increase in injection drug use has also contributed to the spread of infectious diseases including HIV and hepatitis C. As seen throughout the history of medicine, science can be an important part of the solution in resolving such a public health crisis.

 The Opioid Crisis Summit Agenda

An unprecedented group of elected officials, political and medical experts, and academic leaders from around the country are set to examine the crisis and offer insight and solutions.

On July 21-22, 2018, the definitive Opioid Crisis Summit presented by Mass Tort Nexus will convene a symposium to present a firsthand account as to the depth and severity of the crisis. The research team at Mass Tort Nexus has brought together influential speakers including the Lieutenant Governor of Ohio, Mary Taylor; State Attorney for Palm Beach County Florida, Dave Aronberg, Esq.; Director of Public Health, State of West Virginia, Rahul Gupta, MD; Executive Director, Novus Medical Detox Centers, Kent Runyon; The Amy Winehouse Project Addiction Recovery Center, Susan Anderson and Blades Williamson; Opioid Crisis Advocate, Stephen Gelfand, MD and Opioid Crisis Expert, John Ray.  These speakers are coming together to give our attendees a firsthand look at just how dramatic the impact of the opioid crisis is within our communities.

Summit attendees including attorneys, elected officials and healthcare officials will be giving specific information regarding the legal aspects of the Opioid Crisis as well. This relates to the Opiate Prescription MDL 2804, where hundreds of counties, states and cities across the country have filed lawsuits against the opiate pharmaceutical industry as a whole. This includes key MDL 2804 leadership counsel who will discuss signing of both entity and individual cases, regarding case criteria, damage models and estimated timeframes for settlement. See MDL 2804 Opiate Prescription Litigation US District Court of Ohio, for the National Prescription Opiate Litigation docket information.

This level of professional expertise and real time awareness of the issues regarding the opioid crisis in the United States has never been assembled on a scale such as this and if you are wanting to get the most critical and complete information, please contact someone at Mass Tort Nexus before all seats are taken.

Media Contact: media@masstortnexus.com 954.870.7323, Mark A. York

Event Contact:

Barbara Capasso

Jenny Levine

954.530.9892

barbara@masstortnexus.com

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